A new world order - a new Middle East?
University of Oslo, 25-27 September 2025
FULL PROGRAM
Day One | Thursday 25 September | |
08:30-16:00 | Registration (takes place in the Hall) | |
09:15-10:45 | Panels 1 | |
Aud 1 | Gender, Patriarchy, and Legal Reform | |
Chair: Rania Maktabi (Østfold University College) | ||
Ido Shahar (University of Haifa) – Maintaining Patriarchal Hegemony in the Face of Gender-Equalizing Reforms: Performative Acts and ‘Patriarchal Moments’ in a Contemporary Shari‘a Court | The paper addresses a fundamental question that arise in many studies of contemporary shari‘a courts, namely, how come – despite the enactment of consequential pro-women and gender-equalizing reforms – shari‘a courts remain patriarchal arenas, in which women litigants many times feel excluded and weakened. Based on an ethnographic fieldwork conducted in a contemporary shari‘a court (the shari‘a court in West-Jerusalem), the paper illustrates that procedural routines, evidence rules and accepted social practices, come to constitute “patriarchal moments” – i.e., social occurrences that flash out and accentuate women’s subordination to men in the court, in the family and in society at large. More specifically, I analyze how practices relating to taking a corroborating oath in court (yamin al-istizhar); evidence rules concerning women’s giving witness; and the presence/absence of an agnatic chaperon accompanying a woman in court, all constitute ‘patriarchal moments’, allowing men to produce a backlash or a ‘counter-effect’, that negates and belittles gender-equalizing legal reforms. I further argue that these micro social-interactions, which have rarely drawn the attention of both legal reformers and scholars of Islamic law, must be addressed and reformed, if we aspire to promote a gender-sensitive shari‘a law. | |
Jean Allegrini (University College London) – Giving Up or Changing Battlefields? Lebanese Women’s Political Engagement in Flux | In 2018, 86 Lebanese women contended for parliament. Many were novices in an expensive and brutal electoral contest. This article follows the journey of six candidates from various political, religious, and socioeconomic backgrounds. Their hopes for fairer gender representation were dashed. None were elected. In 2022, none of our six participants chose to rerun. So how do Lebanese women sustain and determine their political engagement overtime in a patriarchal and sectarian polity pressured by a socioeconomic fallout? This article reveals that despite their ideological differences these women share a sincere aspiration for transformative societal changes which results into an adaptive, creative and plural engagement guided by a sense of self-sacrifice for future generations. This research relies upon original data gathered in 2018 and 2022 compiling participant observations and 105 interviews with experts, civil society members and politicians. |
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Zeineb Alsabeehg (University of Edinburgh) – Struggles for Citizenship by Gulf Women | Female citizens in the Gulf states cannot pass citizenship to their children on equal terms as male citizens. Citizenship is transferred from fathers to their children, while women who are married to foreigners cannot confer citizenship on their children. In what ways are women in the Gulf challenging the current citizenship regime that limit children’s access to citizenship in their mothers’ country? This paper borrows Engin Isin’s concept of ‘acts of citizenship’ to examine what women in the Gulf are doing to improve the lives of their noncitizen children. Based on interviews with Bahraini and Kuwaiti women, this paper sheds light on women as agents for change. Women are in various ways advocating for their cause and that of their children, including by meeting members of the government and the parliament, as well as participating in online and physical activism. | |
Didem Unal Abaday (University of Helsinki) - The “Two-Level Game” Of Islamist Anti-Gender Actors in Turkey | This article examines how local manifestations of anti-gender politics in Turkey reproduce global polarization by framing sexual democracies as symbols of moral decay and state homophobia as the guardian of family and moral integrity. The hegemonic discourse of AKP (Justice and Development Party) rule and Islamist anti-gender circles (e.g., Grand Family Platform, Yeni Akit, Yeni Şafak) is analyzed through Putnam's (1988) “two-level game” framework. Supported by internal and external legitimation strategies, these narratives reinforce illiberal populism and gender policy backsliding through an "opportunistic synergy" (Graff and Korolczuk 2022). In the post-2017 era of competitive authoritarianism and super-presidentialism, gender politics has become a key tool in sustaining a populist divide between "us" and "them". This study explores how anti-gender discourses, shaped by global and national dynamics, create a battlefield that redraws boundaries between tradition and modernity, and between "normal" and "deviant" sexualities. | |
Haru Menard (University of Portsmouth) – Material Belongings: LGBTQ+ Survival in Neocolonial Lebanon | This paper applies decolonial queer theory to the context of Lebanon, exploring two key questions: how the Lebanese state securitizes dissenting sexualities to uphold the sectarian status quo, and how individuals and communities identified as queer develop strategies of resistance to confront and survive the state’s most recent backlash. Drawing on 37 interviews with queer individuals in Lebanon, this paper adopts an intersectional approach to argue that sexuality has emerged as a crucial site of contestation in post-colonial settings. Consequently, it holds greater significance for political analysis than is often acknowledged. |
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Aud 2 | ROUNDTABLE: Persian and Iranian Studies in Scandinavia: Diagnosing the Field and Assessing Our Future | "Persian and Iranian Studies in Scandinavia: Diagnosing the Field and Assessing Our Future" This roundtable endeavors to explicitly and critically explore the following themes as an experienced group of experts and/or practitioners in the field: the status of Iranian Studies programs in individual Nordic countries (Norway, Sweden, and Denmark); current challenges to study programs (e.g, student numbers, funding, department downsizing); strengths of individual programs, comparatively; the impact of diaspora politics on study programs and research; the role and impact of Kurdish language and studies in relation to Iranian studies; and finally, the potential for collaboration among cross spectrum of lecturers teaching on language, history, politics, society, etc. of the Persian-speaking world. |
Chair: Toufoul Abou-Hodeib (University of Oslo) | ||
K. Soraya Batmanghelichi (University of Oslo) | ||
Samad Alavi (University of Oslo) | ||
Rouzbeh Parsi (Swedish Institute of International Affairs) | ||
Rasmus Christian Elling (University of Copenhagen) - | ||
Jonathan M. Feldman (Stockholm University) | ||
Hashem Ahmadzadeh (Uppsala University) | ||
underv-rom 1 | ROUNDTABLE: Doing Islamic Studies: From Sweden to MENA | Islamic Studies has been a dynamic field linked to various programs and research areas scattered across Sweden. The field was especially boosted with the development of the Graduate School in Islamic Studies in 2022 which received governmental funding. The roundtable aims to bring together a group of experts in the field of Islamic Studies (and Middle East Studies) to critically explore the following questions and themes: · What is the status of Islamic Studies programs in Sweden? · How are individual study programs and their curricula structured? · What are current challenges and difficulties of the study programs considering student numbers, funding, and department refashioning? · How can we achieve more effective collaboration avenues in Sweden (and more broadly in Scandinavia) across the fields of language, intellectual history, ethics, politics, society, etc. in Islamic Studies and other tangential fields (Arabic & Middle East Studies)? |
Chair: Sami Al-Daghistani (Lund University) | ||
Leif Stenberg (The Aga Khan University) | ||
Suzanne Olsson (Stockholm University) & Jenny Berglund (Stockholm University) | ||
Pernilla Myrne, (University of Gothenburg) | ||
Oliver Scharbrodt (Lund Unviersity) | ||
underv-rom 2 | Palestinian Identity, Politics, and Resistance | |
Chair: Erling Lorentzen Sogge (University of Oslo) | ||
Nicole Khayat (Independent Scholar) – "A Struggle for Hope": Palestinian Charitable Associations Navigating Settler Colonialism | This paper investigates the impact of Israeli settler colonialism on Palestinian charitable associations in Haifa, focusing on the Haifa Arab Orphans Committee and the Haifa Infant Welfare Association. It examines how these organizations navigated the shift from British Mandate to Israeli rule, ultimately leading to their demise. Drawing on newly discovered materials from the family archive, this study offers a micro-level examination of Palestinian struggles to maintain social and welfare initiatives in the face of settler-colonial policies. It emphasizes continuity and adaptation within Palestinian society after the 1948 Nakba. Historical accounts of Israeli plunder have traditionally centered on land appropriation, financial asset seizure, and more recently, the confiscation of movable property. This scholarship, often from an Israeli perspective, analyzes the legal mechanisms of Palestinian dispossession, neglecting Palestinian experiences and resistance. |
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Mahasin F. Saleh and Ferdoos Alissa (Doha Institute for Graduate Studies) – Exploring and Preserving Palestinian Family History | As a strategy of settler colonialism, Israel demolishes places where Palestinian family history and vital records are kept, and thus, they destroy the documentation of indigenous people (Shezaf, 2019). Other challenges include that family history paper records may deteriorate, get lost or disposed of over time, or are difficult to access. This paper focuses on a qualitative study that was undertaken and explored how Palestinians in Bethlehem and Jerusalem trace and document their family history. Furthermore, the study analyzed how recalling family history stories impacts one’s sense of identity. Purposive and snowball sampling were employed and semi-structured interviews were conducted with 27 Palestinians from Bethlehem and Jerusalem. Content and thematic analysis were undertaken. Key themes emerged related to strategies of tracing family history along with the multifaceted impact of participants’ knowledge of their family history has had upon their identity. | |
Anja Zorob (Friedrich-Alexander-Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg) – The Securitization of and Shrinking Space for Palestinian Civil Society Organizations | Counter-terrorism is increasingly used to shrink the space for civil society. In October 2021, the Israeli Minister of Defense designated six Palestinian civil society organizations as “terrorist organizations” based on the 2016 Israeli Counter-Terrorism Law. The designation reflected another escalation of the years-long smear campaigns orchestrated by the Israeli government and its affiliated lobby organizations to criminalize and delegitimize Palestinian CSOs in the eyes of, among others, their donors. The analytical framework combines the shrinking space concept with securitization theory. The study unpacks how the donors responded to the Israeli government’s securitizing move both immediately after the designation and later after the start of the war on Gaza in October 2023 and discusses its consequences for the organizations. The case study builds upon a content analysis of statements and documents issued by the Israeli authorities, the CSOs and their donors, supplemented with data gathered through semi-structured interviews and secondary literature. | |
Anne Heikkinen (University of Helsinki) - A New Middle East: What is the future for Palestinian Christianity? | Palestinian Christians and Palestinian Liberation Theology have since the Oslo Accords come to support the two-state solution. Human rights and international law have played a prominent role in the thinking of Palestinian theologians. Thus, they have aligned themselves with the international community while speaking about liberation for their people and a just peace in the Middle East. However, since October 2023, Palestinian Christians have criticized the international community in strong terms for double standards, especially regarding the West's silence in the face of Israeli military actions. Palestinian theologians have called out the hypocrisy and racism of the Western world, saying Gaza has become the moral compass of the world. At the same time, one-state reality and on-going emigration of Palestinian Christians have challenged earlier stances of Palestinian theologians. This paper presents the thought of Palestinian Christian theologians from 1980s until the present day and asks, what is the future for Palestinian Christianity and Palestinian theology? | |
Andrea Pizzinato (Geneva Graduate Institute) - Oslo, Thirty Years After: Indigeneity and Trajectories of Palestinian Identity in Israel | The breakdown of the Oslo peace process reinforced the double marginalization of Palestinian citizens of Israel, as it resulted in their exclusion from the agenda of both Israel and the emerging Palestinian Authority. Their condition of “trapped minority” (Rabinowitz 2001) sparked an unprecedented vitality within Palestinian civil society in Israel, which assumed a more confrontational attitude towards the state. Indigeneity became a new, crucial identity component in the historical narrative of Israeli-Palestinians, as well as a framework for the advocacy of collective rights as a national minority in Israel. This contribution will unpack the push factors and implications of such collective redefinition for this community within the conundrum of nationalisms in Israel and Palestine. Further, it will discuss the current liminal place of Israel’s Palestinians, at the fault line between opposing, ever-intersecting narratives of identity and belonging. | |
underv-rom 3 | Football and Religion in the Middle East: Exploring New Intersections I | This panel deals with the interplay between football and religion in the Middle East. Football as a game attracting millions of impassioned supporters inadvertently also touches on the political sphere. Furthermore, the way football constitutes a large part of many middle easterner’s life and leisure time has at times been challenged within political Islam. Theoretically, the moral purism of political Islam and the emotionality and lack of self-control often associated with football could be considered culturally anti-thetic. Yet, in recent years, especially following the World Championship in football arranged in Qatar in 2022 and the large investment of football in Saudi Arabia, a new reality has replaced the once perceived cultural clash between football and Islamism. This panel explores this new reality with papers addressing new ways the intersections between football and religion play out in the Middle East today and applying new perspectives to historical cases. |
Chair: Dag Tuastad (University of Oslo) | ||
Dag Tuastad (University of Oslo) - Football in Gaza under Hamas | For the people of Gaza, football has been a way to escape the hardships of daily life since the 1930s and even more so after 1948. All this time mosques organized tournaments and leagues in Gaza. After Hamas took power in Gaza, many mosque teams joined the Gazan football league. Football became a priority for Hamas, as demonstrated by their significant effort in 2014 to restart the Gazan Premier League by October, just two months after the ceasefire following the Gaza war. This paper examines the role of religion and football in Gaza’s social life and explores why Hamas prioritized organizing and promoting the football sector as part of its governance. | |
Bjørn Olav Utvik (University of Oslo) - Football, Religion and State Power in Morocco | The paper will shed light on the interplay between three strong forces who all care deeply about football, and who all have an agenda for Moroccan society. The first two arguably constitute the major socio-cultural movements in Morocco - the fanatical football supporters known as ultras, and the Islamist movements. The third force in question is the makhzen - the central power circles around the royal court. The growth of a combative and flamboyant supporter culture associated with the ultras phenomenon challenges the norms of modesty and self-restraint always preached by Islamists. The makhzen seeks to use football success as a diversion from burning social and political problems that generate opposition, while zealously keeping both ultras and Islamists in check. How do the respective values and interests of these actors interact and shape the field of football’s interaction with society? | |
John Konuk Blasing (Independent Scholar) - Corporatism or Nationalism? The Story of the Turkish National Team’s Football Shirt | The Turkish national football team’s jersey, since the first match in the country’s history on 26 October 1923, has been characterized by an iconic stripe across the chest. Depending on whether it is the home or away kit, the stripe is either red on a white background, or white on a red background, with the national flag—a star and crescent—in the center. With the advent of modern “Industrial” football, the design of the shirt began to change. First with Adidas in the mid-1990s, and later—more pivotally—in 2008, when Nike designed a turquoise shirt for the Turkish national football team. While some viewed this development in a positive light, noting that the color was connected to Turkish culture, others staunchly opposed it and viewed it as something imposed by a multinational corporation, Nike. This paper aims to analyze the history of the Turkish national football team’s shirt. | |
grupperom 1 | Sudan: From Revolution Through War, the Complexity of Life on the Edge(s) | In December 2018 Sudanese took to the streets and ended thirty years of oppression and kleptocracy. Young women and men spearheaded peaceful protests across the country chanting freedom, peace, and justice. While the protests were triggered by hiking prices of basic commodities, repression of youth, particularly young women, was key factor in the December 2018 revolution. The ousting of the Islamist dictatorship was seen as an opportunity for Sudan to break the cycle of military regimes and transition to democracy. A tumultuous transition started in August 2019 in which power was shared between civilians, led by the Forces for Freedom and Change, and the army, represented by Sudan Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces. Given the military’s long control of political and economic resources in the country, its leaders were not interested in transition to democracy, and supported by former regime loyalists, actively sabotaged the civilian cabinet. In October 2021, the military in Sudan seized power unconstitutionally and annulled the Constitutional Declaration that established the transition. Following the coup, peaceful protesters were violently dispersed, arrested, and killed, liberties were curtailed, and Sudan went back to the dark days of shrinking public spaces and violence against the youth, particularly those activists who were targeted by security services. The war of April 2023 has shattered the remaining hopes and resulted in massive destruction, erosion of capital and assets, and massive displacement within Sudan and to neighboring countries. Violence against women became rampant in the war zone, including sexual violence and rape. The middle class was hit hard, shattered, and its potential for leading Sudan to democracy is turned to its antithesis: victimization, disillusionment, and polarization. The war narrative in Sudan is undermining hope and fostering despair. |
Chair: Mari Norbakk and Munzoul Assal | ||
Munzoul Assal (Chr. Michelsen Institute, CMI) and Aroob Alfaki (University of Khartoum) - To What Extent Civilians are “Civilian”? Unpacking the Dynamics of Contentious Politics in Sudan Wars | The word “civilians” has been highly contested in the context of post-colonial Sudan wars. The word is loosely and commonly used by middle class civil society members in ways that exonerates civilians from conspiring with military and changing governments unconstitutionally. It is also widely used by the international community as well as in conventional and social media platforms often in relation to war atrocities and calls for restoration of constitutional orders. The word has gained additional ambiguity after the October 2021 military coup that ousted the transitional government of former Premier Abdalla Hamdok (2019- 2021). Internationally and locally, there was an uncritical insistence on “civilian-led” transition in Sudan at a time when certain segments of the civilians actively supported the military coup. This article argues that in fact, civilians were historically heavily involved in all military coups in Sudan, their participation in packing and prolonging dictatorships was not only a tactical political stance, but also expanded into plotting with the military forces to seize political power. More importantly, such an involvement is argued to be not just an implicit collusion with military packed politics rather than an articulation to the contentious nature of Sudanese political practice, even among pro-democratic political actors and within revolutionary transitional periods. Accordingly, the generic meaning of the word civilian as all persons who are not members of state armed forces or organized armed groups of a party to the conflict is devoid of meaning in the context of Sudan. For over three decades, there has been a process of militarization in Sudan. The introduction of the so-called Popular Defense Forces and the creation of militias as counterinsurgency strategy by the central government not only shrunk the civic space but also transformed millions of Sudanese into militants, creating conditions conducive to autocracy and totalitarianism from which politicians and political competitive practices were not an exception. The current devastating “civil” war provide an extreme peak to these long ongoing dynamics. | |
Liv Tønnessen (Chr. Michelsen Institute, CMI) and Samia Elnager (Independent researcher) - Revolution and Feminist Reimaginations in Sudan | The article explores female revolutionaries’ political subjectivities during what is popularly known as the December Revolution. Especially young women played an important role in the revolution in ways that challenged prevailing political and social norms about what is considered ‘appropriate’. Women’s peaceful protesting was seen as so threatening that their bodies came under attack, and they were sidelined in the political settlement. Building on original interview data with female revolutionaries and feminist activists, the article suggests that the revolution and the subsequent backlash served as a significant force in creating a generational consciousness where young revolutionaries started to think of themselves as ‘feminists’ and distinct from the older generation of activists. Their emerging feminist reimaginations, which are now disrupted by war, are intimately entangled with the dismantling of the heteronormative, militarizing Arab-Muslim state-building project in Sudan and has exposed how political elites regardless of ideological belonging have patriarchal dividends, including the historical women’s movement. | |
Abdelmageed Yahya (Sudan Open University/Dilling University) and Mari Norbakk (Chr. Michelsen Institute, CMI) - Rubble Investments: the Blocked, Broken, and Redirected Flows of Capital from Sudan | Being removed from one’s homeland may for some be experienced as existing in a state of rubble, especially as displacement grows protracted. While the immediate outbreak of war in Sudan in April of 2023 was characterized by the deeply human impulse to seek protection, which for many meant fleeing, the time after is not something one prepares for. The shifting timelines of the displaced Sudanese in Egypt are an example of this, and we see the business strategies of Sudanese as an example of learning to live after the end (of their hope for rapid return). It is here that we situate our discussion of rubble investments. The use of the metaphor is to indicate that while the Sudanese have experienced destruction, there is rubble remaining which can be utilized, and here we think of this rubble in the forms of economic, social and cultural capital. Setting out the various businesses of displaced Sudanese men in Cairo, we highlight the centrality and existential importance of trust based transactional networks, both local and global. Based on fieldwork in Cairo the authors further set out a critical discussion of how capital(s) are used to give maneuvering space, but also to restrict and police the Sudanese community. |
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Randa Gindeel (Ahfad University for Women) and Ann Cathrin Corrales-Øverlid (University of Bergen) - “When I come in here, I forget everything”: Forcibly displaced women coping with war, reproducing class privilege and challenging gender relations through business ownership." | Scholars often categorize immigrant entrepreneurship as either necessity-driven or opportunity-driven. This binary classification, rooted in reductive economism, overlooks the multifaceted motivations that inspire immigrants to pursue self-employment beyond mere economic survival. In this paper, we draw on observations and interviews with middle- and upper-class Sudanese women who have been forcibly displaced to Cairo due to the ongoing war in Sudan. Our study reveals that while necessity and opportunity indeed contribute to pushing and pulling these women into self-employment, many establish their businesses as a means to divert their attention from the trauma of war and the persistent longing for their homeland. Their entrepreneurial motivations transcend economic necessity, arising instead from a combination of class privilege, the devastating experiences of war and displacement and entrenched gender inequalities. The intersection of privileged class status and gendered dynamics creates unique business opportunities for these women. Despite having “lost everything”, they arrive in Cairo with established names, reputations, and kinship networks that provide access to financial and social capital. | |
grupperom 7 | Sailing without an Anchor? Understanding Regimes, Coalitions and Informal Alliances across the MENA | At a time of structural change and regional upheaval, the coherence and effectiveness of formal alliances and coalitions across the MENA have come into question. For example, the GCC has always struggled to generate security coherence among its constituent members, while the Arab League has rarely moved beyond the symbolism of rhetorical declaration. Instead, informal alliances, tacit security regimes and loose coalitions have attempted to fill this security vacuum. Across four discreet yet interlinked papers, the panellists explore different facets of informal alliances including I) the extent to which they meet or have met the security needs of the actors involved; II) conditions under which they become institutionalised; III) how they reflect and project key actor identities, and IV) their increase prominence in regional affairs reflects wider structural shifts in the willingness and ability of great powers to project power and influence throughout the region. |
Chair: Clive Jones | ||
Clive Jones (Durham University.) - 'Orders out of Chaos? Israel, alliances, and the enduring appeal of ‘tacit security regimes.' | The paper explores the idea of tacit security regimes and how they have created resilient path dependencies across the region that, despite the Gaza war, remain key mechanisms in Israel's engagement with, and influence among the Gulf Arab states. | |
Rory Miller (Georgetown University, Doha.) - 'African States in the Saudi-led Islamic Military Counter-Terror Coalition (IMCTC) : Explaining extra-regional participation in informal security coalitions in the Middle East | Explaining extra-regional participation in informal security coalitions in the Middle East. This paper examines the role of these African states in the IMCTC. In doing so, it will provide a novel assessment of how these states were influenced in their entry and participation decisions by the IMCTC’s informal institutional design and the fact that its leader, Saudi Arabia, is a regional middle power rather than a global superpower. | |
Shorooq al-Zaabi (Durham University) - 'Navigating Complexity: The Evolving Dynamics of the formal and informal alliances in the Arab Gulf States - the case of the UAE' | By taking the example of the United Arab Emirates, a state that has invariably been described as progressive to representing a ‘little Sparta’, this paper explores how NRC affects the creation and effectiveness of formal and informal alliances, moving beyond traditional strategies like hedging, balancing, and bandwagoning, which while necessary, are not sufficient to explain how the UAE understands informal alliances. | |
Hana Alshehaby (Middle East Centre for Global Affairs, Doha, Qatar) - 'Gulf Security Alliances Amidst a Global Order in Flux' | The UAE’s membership in the BRICS, and Saudi interest, the cautious expansion of China’s political role in the region, along with the Gulf’s pursuit for diversified alliances all signal a potential pivot away from Western partners. These developments reinforce Washington’s sustained integral role in the Gulf states’ security frameworks. This paper aims to explore the extent to which the Gulf states have been able to diversify their security alliances, highlighting that the United States, and several Western states, continue to uphold, if not expand, their role in Gulf security. | |
11:00-11:15 | Welcome and practical information (auditorium 1) | |
11:15-11:30 | NSMES MA thesis award presentation (auditorium 1) | |
11:30-13:00 | Keynote 1: Marc Owen Jones (auditorium 1): Digital Superpowers: Networks of Disinformation and Dysinfluence in the Middle East | |
13:00-14:00 | Lunch break | |
14:00-15:30 | Panels 2 | |
Aud 1 | Football and Religion in the Middle East: Exploring New Intersections II | This panel deals with the interplay between football and religion in the Middle East. Football as a game attracting millions of impassioned supporters inadvertently also touches on the political sphere. Furthermore, the way football constitutes a large part of many middle easterner’s life and leisure time has at times been challenged within political Islam. Theoretically, the moral purism of political Islam and the emotionality and lack of self-control often associated with football could be considered culturally anti-thetic. Yet, in recent years, especially following the World Championship in football arranged in Qatar in 2022 and the large investment of football in Saudi Arabia, a new reality has replaced the once perceived cultural clash between football and Islamism. This panel explores this new reality with papers addressing new ways the intersections between football and religion play out in the Middle East today and applying new perspectives to historical cases. |
Chair: Leif Stenberg (The Aga Khan University) | ||
Charlotte Lysa (University of Oslo) and Hans Kristian Hognestad (University of South-Eastern Norway) - The Football Missionary: Jimmy Hill and the transformation of Saudi football | After the oil-boom in the early 1970s, Saudi Arabia decided to invest in developing football, a sport that had gained a foothold across the country in the last few decades. British football personality Jimmy Hill was commissioned by the head of the Saudi Arabian Football Federation (SAFF), Faisal bin Fahd Al Saud to lead the developments. After three years, Hill and his team failed to get their contracts renewed after the Saudi national team lost to Kuwait in the 1979 Gulf Cup in Iraq. The team had improved significantly, but not enough to meet the ambitions of the Saudi leadership and to satisfy the Saudi press. Yet, Hills efforts and the efforts of Faisal bin Fahd in the second half of the seventies left a lasting mark on Saudi football. This paper analyses Jimmy Hill as a football missionary and examines the impact of his efforts on Saudi football. | |
Ehsan Kashfi (University of Copenhagen) - Football Beyond Borders: Iranian Diaspora Activism and the Politics of Team Melli | This study explores how Iranian diaspora opponents of the Islamic Republic challenged and redefined Team Melli’s role as a symbol of national unity during the 2022 World Cup. Using qualitative content analysis of social media posts on Twitter and Instagram, it examines how support and opposition for the national team became arenas for contentious politics and activism. The findings identify four key narrative strategies. First, Team Melli was framed as a divisive symbol rather than a unifying force. Second, activists critically scrutinized the players’ perceived inaction or silence regarding protests, suggesting complicity with the regime. Third, by highlighting the interplay between sports and politics in Iran, activists challenged the notion of an apolitical Team Melli, emphasizing the regime’s control over the team. Lastly, they promoted alternative national heroes, elevating athletes who openly supported the protests. This study shed light on how digital activism enables diaspora communities to engage in transnational political movements and redefine national symbols. | |
Leif Stenberg (The Aga Khan University and Karlstad University) |
One supposition is that the developments concerning football in Pakistan, Syria and Saudi Arabia are part of the considerable changes that sport, religion and politics have undergone in recent decades. Hence, the aim of this study is to scrutinise the lens on how football manifests several social, cultural, religious, and political modes and expressions. The three states in this presentation are no exception to this, rather the opposite. The histories of football in the three countries are not entirely overlapping, but the agency and production of formally trained Muslim scholar’s express opinions on football in Syria, Pakistan and Saudi Arabia. How Muslim footballers in elite leagues envisage Islam is significant, but equally important is how Muslim majority countries are building female football. Interpretations concerning women and the practice of Islam, are important, and the role of women’s football is shifting the discourse on Islam. In general, the response from fans, clubs, players and the public when they articulate an Islamic identity also impacts on how the religion is practiced. In sum, the aim here is to account for complexity, demonstrating how football functions as a window for examining interpretations of Islam, politics, nationalism and identity in three societies, Syria, Pakistan and Saudi Arabia. |
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Aud 2 | The Palestinian Resistance, Quo Vadis? | The attack on October 7 has profoundly altered the trajectory of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and disrupted old understandings of its dynamics. With a Gazan genocide, the weakening of Hezbollah, and an Iranian evacuation from Syria, it is obvious that we are moving into uncharted territory. Although Hamas remains a key actor in Gaza, its weakening after years of brutal warfare raises questions about its internal power dynamics and its future as a political and military actor. Could the new order force Fatah out of its diplomatic impasse? Will it create new opportunities for the Palestinian left to reverse its political decline? Last, but not least, how has the war affected Hamas' sister movement Palestinian Islamic Jihad, the second-largest armed faction in Gaza and a key driver behind the northern West Bank insurgency? Reflecting on developments in the two years following October 7, the discussion aims to chart the changing landscape of Palestinian resistance and its prospects moving forward. |
Chair: Sune Haugbølle | ||
Francesco Saverio Leopardi (University of Padova) - The Palestinian left after October 7 | Hamas’ attacks on October 7, 2023, and the following Israeli war of annihilation in Gaza ended the status quo in Palestinian politics established from 2007. The Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), the main Palestinian leftist faction, faces this turning point from a condition of political and military marginalization. This paper examines how the PFLP has been navigating the aftermath of October 7, analyzing its fragmentation from Gaza via the West Bank to Damascus, as well as its relationship with the other major Palestinian factions. I focus in particular on the PFLP’s response to Israel’s broadening war in Lebanon and Syria, and I conclude that the PFLP remains unable to exert influence over the broader trajectory of the Palestinian national movement. | |
Leila Seurat and Carep Paris (Center Arabic Research and Studies Politiques) - Hamas after October 7 | Carrying out the attack on October 7, Hamas intended to break the Palestinian impasse by triggering a regional and global destabilization. Although Hamas succeeded in doing so, it has caused the destruction of Gaza, the weakening of its Lebanese ally, Hezbollah, and its Iranian patron has evacuated from Syria with the fall of Bashar al-Assad. How has the war affected Hamas’ power balance between its internal Gazan leadership and its external one in Doha, and what could it mean for Hamas’ future maneuvrability as a political and military actor? Although Yahya Sinwar was killed in October 2024, I argue that the Gazan leadership is still playing a central role for the movement, and will do so in the foreseeable future. | |
Erik Skare (University of Oslo) - Palestinian Islamic Jihad after October 7 | The 2010s were kind to Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ). Unencumbered by Hamas' inconvenient responsibilities of governance, PIJ grew into the second-largest armed faction in Gaza, the third-largest in the occupied territories, and a central force behind the insurgency in the northern West Bank from 2020 onward. October 7 changed everything. As of this writing, PIJ is facing a counter-insurgency in both the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. Its leadership has fled Damascus with the toppling of Bashar al-Assad. The regional influence of its main patron, Iran, is arguably weakened. So is the case for its Lebanese ally, Hezbollah. This paper explores how the PIJ has navigated after the attack on October 7, and examines its organizational structure, pools of recruitment, and modus operandi to discuss its capacity to adapt to the new political and military landscape. | |
Erling Lorentzen Sogge (University of Oslo) - Fatah after October 7 | Since the Oslo peace process, Fatah has faced mounting pressures on three levels: i) the Palestinian National Authority, the civil administration in the West Bank, is increasingly constrained by Israel’s occupation, ii) its political leadership grapples with a legitimacy crisis, and iii) its grassroots institutions --- both civilian and militant --- have lost nearly all faith in the latter. Fatah is, as such, finding itself in a paradoxical situation. Israel’s ongoing war against Palestinians in both the Gaza Strip and the West Bank has, on the one hand, exacerbated these tensions. On the other, the war has also bolstered Fatah’s international standing, positioning it as a possible candidate to replace Hamas’ rule in Gaza. Can Fatah overcome its internal divisions, break this impasse, and reclaim its leadership role in Palestinian politics? | |
underv-rom 1 | ||
underv-rom 2 | “The Modern Rupture”: Islamic Law in History and Historiography | The panel explores academic debates about relationships between “pre-modern” Sharia and modern colonial and national laws in majority Muslim countries, through three papers drawing on sources from the African continent, specifically Egypt and sub-Saharan Africa. Since the debates involve historiography, theory about the role law plays in “the writing of history” is introduced in the first paper by Mårtensson. The paper shows how contemporary criticism of the Egyptian post-colonial yet Islamic law code, and advocacy for Qur’an- and sunna-based legislation, includes a call for more empirical historical research and new historiography. Results from current state-of-the-art empirical research is then presented by Mauder, on legal education and administration in the Mamluk Sultanate of Egypt, and Vikør, on pre-colonial and colonial law in sub-Saharan Africa. The panel concludes with a method discussion about historical research and empirical data, including their relationships with modern and current “politics of law making”. |
Chair: Ulrika Mårtensson | ||
Ulrika Mårtensson (NTNU) - The Qur’an, al-Sanhuri and Tariq al-Bishri: Theorising Relations between Legal Reform and History Writing | This paper develops Patrick Nerhot’s (1992) theory that legislation requires history, and my thesis that the Qur’an’s use of Covenant, prophetic history and language reflects natural law theory and the aim to strengthen farm workers’ rights to their lands (Mårtensson 2022, forthcoming 2024). I apply this to the Egyptian jurist Tariq al-Bishri’s (d. 2021) critique of al-Sanhuri’s (d. 1971) reformed Islamic Egyptian law code (al-Bishri 1996), in three steps. (1) Map the Qur’an’s uses of history and language for legal reform of landownership. (2) Situate al-Sanhuri’s comparative law method, reformed Islamic law code, and view of Islamic legal history and terminology in the colonial context and new kinds of property rights. (3) Sketch al-Bishri’s post-colonial critique of al-Sanhuri’s method and historiography, advocacy for deriving law from the Qur’an and sunna through the method of “renewal” (tajdid), and argument about landownership. The conclusion identifies landownership as one substantive issue relevant for “rupture debates”. | |
Knut S. Vikør (University of Bergen) - Sharia practices in pre-colonial and colonial Africa - was there a rupture? | A hotly debated topic in Islamic legal studies is the issue of “rupture” or “continuity” in the transition to the modern state. Did it lead to a fundamental removal of the Sharia from the legal sphere, or did the Sharia still influence jurisprudence after codified law was introduced? Is an “Islamic state”, a state based on Sharia conceptions, even possible in the modern period? In this paper, I will try to look at this issue from the vantage point of sub-Saharan Africa. While these regions have a millennium of Muslim history, and thus of awareness of Sharia law, we know much less of how this was practiced before colonialism. The paper will consider our knowledge of pre-colonial Sharia practices, and look at how the colonial experience of the late 19th and early 20th century affected these. Was there a “rupture”, and if so, how did it appear in our sources? |
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Christian Mauder (Freie Universität Berlin) - Training Tomorrow’s Political Elite in Islamic Law: The Mamluk System of Legal Education for Slave Soldiers | The Mamluk Sultanate (1250–1517) stands out among Middle Eastern polities not only for its central role in the new world order brought about by the Mongol invasions, but also as a state that was primarily ruled by former military slaves of non-Muslim origin, the so-called mamluks. While earlier scholarship depicted these slave soldiers as unlettered semi-barbarians, recent publications emphasized that many mamluks must have undergone advanced education in non-military subjects to be able to govern and administer their complex polity. Islamic law apparently figured prominently in the studies of military slaves, but the precise mechanisms through which mamluks acquired the level of familiarity with legal intricacies that they needed to run their state remain poorly understood. This paper uses manuscripts produced by mamluk recruits to argue that the copying, compiling, and rearranging of legal and administrative texts played a central role in the legal education of young slave soldiers. | |
Sefer Korkmaz (University of Bern) - From Deep-Learning to Digital Analysis of the Ottoman World – Creating, Evaluating, and Critiquing Workflows through Jerusalem Court Records (Sijills) | Shari‘a Court Records of Ottoman Jerusalem (sijillāt maḥkama sharʿīyya), spanning about three centuries, constitute a major corpus of sources for the legal history of the Ottoman periphery. These records show how various actors understood and applied law (judges, litigants, court officials) and how the Ottoman Sultan intervened in lawmaking. They also unveil what law can reveal about social practices in contexts considered marginal to the central domains of the Ottoman Empire. This paper investigates novel computational strategies (prospects/challenges) encountered in grappling with Middle Eastern legal historiography, with a particular focus on machine-learning-based workflows for the judicial corpora of Ottoman Jerusalem. These aims, I argue, serve as an indispensable element if we are to advance our knowledge of a lesser-known chapter of Jerusalem's legal history, offering a glimpse of the transformation of judicial practices, and their complex interactions with social reality, over an extended period. |
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underv-rom 3 | Turkey in the 21st century: The second century of an Ostensive Democracy in the Middle East | The Republic of Turkey is now in its second century as an ostensibly democratic and secular Muslim country in the Middle East. Our panel explores regime continuities and changes over the last century as these inform the future configurations of repression and resistance particular to the 21st century. President Erdoğan has been playing the authoritarian’s game for some time now—at least since the Gezi Protests of 2013. His regime emerged first by challenging the laïcist old guard, later re-integrated with certain repressive elements of the previous rule in order to establish itself firmly since the 2016 coup attempt that was said to be organized by its former ally. Our participants detail, examine and analyze the backsliding of one of the democratically elected governments of the twenty-first century into a domestically punitive and regionally aggressive authoritarian regime while generating a polity of contentious politics within and outside the parliament. |
Chair: Kumru F. Toktamis | ||
Convener: Isabel David, University of Lisbon | ||
Elif Can (Centre Max Max Weber) and Cem Özatalay (Galatasaray University) - Hybrid Regime, Hybrid Unions’ Field, and Hybrid Struggles | This presentation examines trade unionism in hybrid regimes, where authoritarian practices and democratic institutions coexist, focusing on Turkey in the 21st century. It explores mechanisms such as trustee appointments and decree law dismissals, which undermine union members’ rights and foster necropolitical discrimination, conceptualized as “social death.” Case studies in Diyarbakır and Istanbul illustrate economic repression against union activists in municipalities and the socio-economic consequences of decree dismissals on individual and organizational lives. The research also investigates union strategies to mobilize workers under repression and grassroots solidarity networks resisting disempowerment and isolation. Framing these struggles as efforts to reclaim social citizenship, the presentation argues that trade union activism in hybrid regimes transcends workplace rights, evolving into broader movements for democracy and solidarity. By situating labor struggles within the last century and looking forward to the next, this study provides insights into the intersections of labor rights, state repression, and resistance. |
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Louis Fishman (Brooklyn College, CUNY) - The Erdogan Years: from Politics of Hope to a neo-Kemalist State | For over a century, Turkey has adopted a rigid concept of citizenship, including and excluding sectors of its society. In 1923, the republic set out to create a nation founded on a Turkish identity, taking power from religious factions, liberals, and “otherized” religious and ethnic communities. The inability of its leaders to transform the state into one of all of its citizens is highlighted most by the 2003 entrance of Erdogan. Despite ushering in an age of hope, Erdogan eclipsed this by embracing the state’s norms of retribution, jailing his opponents, together with the imagination for change. This allowed for the emergence of an opposition embodied in the memory of Ataturk, incorporating a generation that has only known Erdogan as the leader. Even if this neo-Kemalist era has proven to be a challenge to Erdogan, it has proven to be a greater challenge to real change towards a new future. | |
Zeynep Savaşçın (Galatasaray University) - Refugees and citizenship: challenge or opportunity for authoritarianism | A metamorphosis of the understanding and practices of citizenship has taken place since the end of the 20th century, and it now marks the second centenary of the Republic of Turkey. From the crisis of the nation state in the face of the rise of transnational institutions and powers, we have moved to a new crisis of democracy and citizenship, of which the refugee problem is one of the main components. Zygmunt Bauman, among others, thought that refugees were the figures of a global citizenship that challenged the monopoly of the state. It is a binary logic of exclusion-inclusion that fundamentally marks the refugee issue. Far from losing its monopoly, the Turkish government today is using immigration to further its authoritarian drift. This presentation proposes to reconsider the conditions of a citizenship which neither reduces itself to a state status nor loses its roots by embarking on a juridical cosmopolitanism. | |
Iclal Ayse Kucukkirca (Orient Institute, Istanbul) - Homelessness and Homemaking at the Intersection of Public and Private: Nusaybin in Post-Conflict, 2016-2023 | This paper explores homelessness and homemaking experiences of displaced people (DP) in Nusaybin, a border city between Syria and Turkey, after the 2015–2016 conflict between the YPS (Yekineyen Parastina Sivil-Civil Defense Units) and Turkish security forces. Focusing on displaced women from 2016 to 2023, the study examines how DP navigate home loss, reconstruct new homes, and derive meaning through coping strategies, solidarity, trust, and their mother tongue. Key findings highlight three claims: (1) Pre-conflict neighborhoods in Nusaybin fostered trust, solidarity, and widespread usage of the mother tongue allowing residents to express their Kurdish identity. (2) Post-conflict transformation into fenced social housing, marked by militarization and demographic disruption, caused disorientation and loss of dignity. (3) Efforts to recreate semi-private spaces, like gardens, and communal spaces, such as tandoors, reflect acts of agency and reclaim dignity. This analysis sheds light on the interplay between homemaking, identity, and agency in post-conflict environments. | |
grupperom 1 | Great Power Rivalry and the New Middle East Order: The Case of Syria and Iraq | This panel explores the evolving dynamics of great power rivalry and their impact on the Middle East, focusing on Syria and Iraq as case studies. Against the backdrop of shifting alliances and emerging multipolarity, these nations exemplify the complexities of geopolitical contestation. The discussion will examine the influence of external actors such as the United States, China, and Russia, alongside regional players like Iran, Turkey, and the Gulf states, analyzing how their strategies have reshaped sovereignty and governance in Syria and Iraq. Particular attention will be given to the role of military interventions, economic dependencies, and the cultural-political transformations occurring within these societies. By situating these changes within the framework of a “new world order,” the panel aims to shed light on the broader implications for the MENA region and global geopolitics. |
Chair: Shirin Zakeri | ||
Francesco Anghelone (Institute of Political Studies "S. Pio V" - Mediterranean Observatory – OSMED) - Turkey’s role in the evolving geopolitical landscape of the Middle East | This presentation examines Turkey's pivotal role in the evolving geopolitical landscape of the Middle East, with a particular focus on Syria and Iraq as critical case studies. In the context of shifting alliances and the emergence of a multipolar world, Turkey has positioned itself as both a regional power and a key player influencing broader Middle Eastern dynamics. The analysis highlights Turkey's strategic interventions—military, economic, and diplomatic—and their implications for sovereignty, governance, and regional stability. Special attention will be given to Turkey's interactions with major global powers, as well as its complex relationships with neighboring states. By examining Turkey's interactions with neighboring states such as Iran, the Gulf countries, and broader MENA dynamics, this presentation contextualizes its regional ambitions and challenges within the framework of a changing Middle East. Ultimately, it seeks to shed light on the transformative impact of Turkey’s policies on the political and economic landscapes of Syria, Iraq, and the wider region, offering a nuanced perspective on its future role in Middle Eastern geopolitics. | |
Shirin Zakeri (UnitelmaSapienza University of Rome) - Iran’s Religious Diplomacy: Reshaping Shia Identity in Iraq and Syria | Sacred Shia mausoleums in Iraq and Syria, such as those in Karbala, Najaf, and Sayyida Zaynab in Damascus, hold profound cultural and religious significance for Shia communities. These sites have become pivotal in Iran’s efforts to foster a transnational Shia identity and strengthen its influence in the region. Beyond their spiritual role, these mausoleums generate economic benefits through pilgrimage industries, supporting local commerce, infrastructure development, and tourism. Through cultural and religious diplomacy, often facilitated by entities like the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), Iran manages and protects these sites, embedding them within its broader strategic framework. This paper examines how Iran’s investments in these mausoleums consolidate its spiritual leadership, deepen socio-political ties with local communities, and establish enduring networks of loyalty. This influence has also shaped internal political and social dynamics in Iraq and Syria. However, recent regional changes, particularly in Syria, could potentially diminish Iran’s ability to sustain these impacts. | |
Giuseppe Dentice (Institute of Political Studies "S. Pio V" - Mediterranean Observatory – OSMED) - The Gulf scramble in Syria: the Emirati perspective | Awaiting Donald Trump’s inauguration at the White House, Syria and Iraq continue to be marked by various tensions linked to multiple factors of regional instability. In this framework, Gulf powers are seeking to redefine their directions and strategies to avoid being overwhelmed by Middle Eastern tensions. But the news coming from Syria and the fall of Bashar al-Assad's regime could pose a significant uncertainty for the Gulf countries, particularly the United Arab Emirates. Abu Dhabi, in fact, has been the most active player in a rehabilitation of Damascus' regime within the Arab world. Yet, the Emirati calculation has proven to be flawed and could have far-reaching repercussions throughout the rest of the region. Starting with an analysis of the scaling back of Emirati policy toward Syria, this work aims to outline potential scenarios for the UAE in the broader Middle East. |
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Diego Pagliarulo (John Cabot University) - Iraq, Syria, and the Evolution of US Strategy in the Middle East | Iraq and Syria represent two major case studies in the evolution of US policy toward the Middle East. Since 2003, the two countries have been the focus of America’s efforts to devise a strategy to counter the challenge posed by jihadi terrorism. The Iraq War marked the rise and fall of a strategy based on a transformative agenda of regime change. This ambitious, “boots on the ground” military approach implied a costly and eventually unsustainable counterinsurgency and nation building commitment. Following the war in Iraq, realism became the dominant doctrine informing Washington’s policy toward the Middle East and the challenge of counterterrorism. The US military campaign against Islamic State in Syria and Iraq reflected this outlook. American intervention was marked by limited political goals and revolved around a light-footprint approach. The strategy aimed at minimizing direct US involvement on the ground through reliance on local partners. Both approaches achieved tactical and partial strategic successes. However, complete strategic victory in the struggle to counter jihadi terrorism has remained elusive. These two case studies offer important lessons with regard to the current wave of terrorism and geopolitical instability affecting the Middle East. |
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grupperom 7 | State-Religious Relations in the Arab World After Covid-19 |
This panel analyses state-religious relations in the Arab world in the post-Covid period (2022-). We believe that the late 2010s constituted a fundamental shift in the way state-religious relations were configured due to three factors. First, the regional campaign against the Muslim Brotherhood, led by the GCC states and Egypt, followed by Tunisia. In parallel, the discredit of Islamism among ordinary Muslims due to the exactions during Daesh’ rule, and its electoral demise due to poor management (Morocco, Tunisia, exception of Jordan). Second, the increasing bureaucratization of Islam and state-controlled revival of traditional religious institutions and discourses, especially in Morocco, Tunisia, and Egypt. In the Saudi case, we observe top-down modernization of the state and society and religious scholars’ decline in influence. Third, the growing digitalization of the state services (e-government) in the Arab world and in the GCC countries in particular since Covid 19, leading in turn to more efficient state services for citizens, more monitoring, and generally a shift in state-society relations. The papers in this panel are all based on recent, original fieldwork in the region, as well as primary sources in Arabic. The presenters focus on different aspects of the reconfigurations of state-religious relations in recent times: religious governance and the homogenization of religious discourse in Tunisia, Islamic charity in Egypt, the positioning of activist groups, and the streamlining of the legal system in Saudi Arabia. By this broad focus, we wish to analyze religious influence and the relation to the state, in mondain everyday life, in mosques, in the legal system (courts), and in social affairs. The findings across cases seem to be a growing state-imposed homogenization of religious discourse and a centralizing role of state institutions Examining the cases of Egypt, Tunisia, and Saudi Arabia, we also discuss the societal effects of these changes in terms of radicalization, actors’ autonomy, and societal religiosity. |
Chair: Bjørn Olav Utvik | ||
Théo Blanc (Scuola Superiore Sant’Anna, Pisa and European University Institute, Florence) - ‘More Religion, not Less’: Rethinking the Role of Religious Governance in Generating vs. Countering Violent Radicalization in Tunisia | This paper examines how Tunisia's model of religious governance and security practices are rooted in a paradigm that links religious radicalism with political radicalism (i.e., violence). This perspective rests on the unchecked assumption that the more religious or fundamentalist a person is, the more likely they are to engage in violent radicalization. This paradigm shaped Bourguiba and Ben Ali’s 55 years of authoritarian rule and was reactivated as part of a re-securitization of the religious sphere following the 2011-2013 revolutionary period. It also underpins security measures such as the infamous S17 security flag, which security forces assign to individuals based on religious profiling. Additionally, this paradigm serves as the primary justification for the state’s efforts to homogenize religious discourse through a top-down promotion of a 'traditional, moderate, Tunisian Islam.' However, this remonopolization of the religious sphere is counterproductive, likely to be rejected as a political manoeuvre, and fails to address the legitimacy and credibility deficit of official religious figures. In this article, I aim to deconstruct this paradigm and explore alternatives—namely, the restructuring of a semi-independent religious sphere that embraces a diversity of religious ideas and fosters theological reflection. The religious component of the solution to both religious and violent radicalization lies in diversifying the religious landscape. In other words, the way forward is more religion, not less. | |
Neil Russell (Glasgow Caledonian University) and Mohamed S. Mohamed (George Washington University) - Statizing Islamic Charity: the case of Bayt al-Zakat in Egypt | Since 2013, Egypt’s new authoritarian regime has broadened its crackdown on the Muslim Brotherhood by extending direct state controls over Islamic institutions, including private mosques and preaching, but also Islamic charity. A new semi-official institution, Bayt al-Zakat, was created to collect and distribute zakat donations. Headed by al-Azhar’s grand shaykh, this body represents a new pillar of Egyptian ‘official Islam’, whilst the role of Bahrain, Kuwait, and UAE in its establishment demonstrates an additional layer of Gulf support for Sisi’s regime. This paper draws on interviews, issues of Minbar al-Islam, Majalat al-Azhar, and news reports, to build a profile of Bayt al-Zakat’s organisational structure, budgets, and projects, to make four main arguments. First, statization of zakat collection and distribution takes place within the context of the crackdown on the Brotherhood, as capturing greater levels of zakat donations denies an autonomous source of financing for Islamic associations, whose provision of services arguably contributed to electoral support for Islamists. Second, these resources provide the state with an additional economic revenue stream, whose use reflects the ‘developmentalist turn’ in Islamic charity, with funds used to support state developmental projects, rather than strictly for charitable relief. Third, the practice of almsgiving on a societal level has not been radically transformed, but reflects the trend of zakat statization in other cases, where it more effectively targets imposed zakat collection on large organisations and institutions, rather than the bottom-up practice. Finally, Gulf actor involvement represents the continuation of exchange of material wealth for ‘sacred’ capital. | |
Neil Russell (Glasgow Caledonian University) and Georges Fahmi (European University Institute) - The Jurisprudence of Priorities: Al- Gam‘iya Al-Shar‘iya’s oscillation between the Muslim Brotherhood and the State | Al-Gam‘iyya al-Shar‘iyya is an Islamic movement with historical ties to the Muslim Brotherhood, which shifted from a decidedly apolitical to political stance during the transition between 2011 and 2013, lending its strong support for Islamist parties during the electoral cycles during this time. Yet since 2013, it has been closely aligned with the state under the tutelage of President Sisi, who has overseen a crackdown on the Muslim Brotherhood, as well as the institutions of movements like GS and others. On the face of it, this alignment would appear to be enforced, but an investigation of the movement itself, its history, ideas, and actions, indicates a level of strategic adaptability, indicating its prioritization of its key goals - enhancing the material wellbeing of Egyptian citizens - over ideological dogmas. Deeper investigation of GS and its history, its ideological approach, indicates that it reflects a development organization first and foremost, and therefore shows strategic adaptability according to the political context in which it finds itself. This article seeks to challenge the common “easy” assumption that religious charities would follow the rules of political regimes, and seeks to unpack how GS interest in keeping its activities running, interact with its ideas on building an Islamic society. It seeks to answer a number of questions: How does the GS leadership balance both material and ideational interests under different political regimes. How have moments of regime changes in 1952 and 2011 impacted GS political attitudes? And how has GS managed its interests under different types of authoritarian regimes? This article will answer these questions by highlighting the interaction of interests and ideas in shaping GS strategies of survival and put an emphasis on how GS balances risks and opportunities in moments of regime stability, as well as moments of regime change. | |
Tine Gade (NUPI) - A Tale of Two Legal Systems? Lawyers and Judges in the New Saudi Arabia |
This article analyses the relationship between law and Shari‘a in Saudi Arabia by examining recent changes in the curriculums of lawyers and judges in the kingdom. This question is interesting because there has historically been some tension between positive law (‘regulations’) and Shari‘a in Saudi Arabia. The kingdom has long distinguished itself by its legal system which has not undergone the same degree of westernization as the rest of the Arab world, since the country has not been subject to European occupation. Most other Arab countries have a legal system based on the Egyptian law, in turn based on French law. Saudi kings have indeed also sought to codify Shari‘a, since 1927, but each attempt has been halted due to the resistance of religious clerics. Therefore, when in February 2021 Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman announced a project to codify four major laws in Saudi Arabia, including the family law, it was seen as the beginning of a transformation of the Saudi legal system. Since then, an evidence law (2022), a personal status code (2022), a civil code (2023) have all entered into force, while a penal code is expected to be announced soon. Using primary documents and semi-structured interviews, the paper asks: How do Saudi Shari‘a judges, who apply the law, interpret the legal changes in the kingdom? How is the training of judges changing to reflect new sources of legal reasoning? And how are the legal reforms perceived by Saudi lawyers? |
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15:30-15:45 | Break | |
15:45-17:15 | Panels 3 | |
Aud 1 | New Histories, New Futures of Zionism |
What was, and what is Zionism? With a narrow focus on Great Men and the State of Israel, the answer may seem obvious, both to Zionists and anti-Zionists. However, Zionism did not start with Herzl, nor did it end in 1948. This panel explores alternative histories of Zionism, decoupled from canonical personalities, entities, and territories. We reframe the question in a global sense and interrogate the history of Zionism from multiple temporal, geographic, and epistemic perspectives. Given the Zionist movement’s European and colonial origins, what did Zionism mean to the Jews of the Middle East? What alternative histories emerge if we focus on emotions, such as indifference, reluctance, suspicion, and disappointment? What does Zionism do to Jewish tradition and identity? How do we make room for Palestinian narratives of Zionism? And, with the State of Israel simultaneously experiencing crisis, triumph, and expansion, what is Zionism today? |
Chair: Brynjar Lia (University of Oslo) | ||
Pelle Valentin Olsen (University of Bergen) - Delayed and Reluctant Departures: The Iraqi Jewish Sawda’i Family’s Ecounters with Zionism | Delayed and Reluctant Departures: The Iraqi Jewish Sawda’i Family’s Ecounters with Zionism In the 1940s, the Iraqi Jewish Sawdaʾi family became involved in all aspects of Iraq’s cinema industry: they constructed several of Iraq’s largest cinemas, imported and distributed, and built Iraq’s first film studio. When examined through the history of cinema, the economic activities, and multidirectional trajectories and migrations of the Sawdaʾi family, the period of the 1940s and 1950s, traditionally considered a low point in Iraqi Jewish history, complicates Zionist and other nationalist and deterministic narratives of belonging. By focusing on feelings of indifference, reluctance, suspicion, and disappointment, this paper re-examines the Iraqi Jewish encounter with Zionism and emigration to Israel and situates the Sawdaʾis at the centre of a period in modern Iraqi history that is only fully legible if we release its actors from their communal identities and affiliations. The result is a version of history that is less linear, less determined, and significantly more nuanced and multidirectional. |
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Eirik Kvindesland (University of Oxford) - Jews of the Empire: Zionism as imperial attachment and protection | Scholars have long debated whether the Zionist movement was colonialist or nationalist. However, if we decenter ‘the movement’ and think of Zionism as a global idea, are other framings possible? This paper shifts the perspective to Middle Eastern Jews, specifically in Iran and the Persian Gulf, and examines how Zionism was received and understood during the formative 1920s. It argues that in the Gulf, Zionism developed as an imperial attachment to the British empire. Rather than promising a nation-state, the Balfour declaration and Zionism were understood as a pledge for British protection of Jews. As such, Zionism represented a continuation of 19th-century imperial patronage of religious minorities, an attachment that was non-territorial and could be enjoyed by Jews anywhere in the British realm. Reframing Zionism as a non-territorial imperial attachment has implications for how we understand modern-day Israel and its relationship to Jews and non-Jews in the Middle East. | |
Nadim Khoury (University of Inland Norway) - Binationalist ideas and binational realities in Palestine/Israel | Binationalist ideas and binational realities in Palestine/Israel This paper examines the evolution of binationalist ideas as demographic and political realities shifted on the ground in Palestine/Israel. Early binationalist proposals emerged when Jews constituted a minority of settlers who, in opposition to mainstream Zionism (both labor and revisionist), advocated for cultural autonomy and shared governance. Following the establishment of Jewish demographic dominance through increased immigration and military victories, binationalist frameworks adapted accordingly. The paper identifies three distinct phases in binationalist thought: pre-1948 proposals focused on parity despite minority status; post-1948 until 1967 reformulations when Israeli Jews became a majority and Arabs a newly-constituted "minority"; and contemporary versions addressing a "wretched binationalist reality" of entrenched inequalities between Israeli Jews and Palestinian Arabs. Throughout these phases, binationalist solutions reflected and responded to changing power relations, demonstrating that binationalism represents not one alternative to Zionism, but rather a spectrum of evolving political possibilities shaped by demographic realities and power structures. |
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Aud 2 | UNRWA – The Catastrophe and the Implications on the Ground | Since the 7. October 2023 Gaza has faced a war of catastrophic proportions. The scale is so extensive that the ICJ is investigating whether it is a Genocide. In the midts of this war Israel has launched a political (and military) attack on the most important humanitarian actor on the ground, UNRWA. Since 1949 UNRWA has been the international community’s way to secure that the Palestinian refugees most important needs, including school and basic health care, have been adequately covered while awaiting a political solution. Over the past two decades Israel has ramped up its political attacks on UNRWA. In October 2024 the Israeli Knesset passed two laws banning UNRWA in Israel and coordination between Israel and UNRWA in the occupied territories. This has catastrophic implications. This panel will discuss the Palestinian refugee issue, the extensive consequences of these Israeli laws against UNRWA on the situation in the occupied territories, and the future of Palestine in light of this. |
Chair: Jørgen Jensehaugen | ||
Kjersti G. Berg (Høgskolen NLA) - In the absence of UNRWA? | While Israeli security establishment has repeatedly acknowledged UNRWA’s stabilizing role in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (West Bank, Gaza, East Jerusalem), since 1967 Israel has increasingly attacked UNRWA, seeking to delegitimate, and defund it. After 7. October 2023, the Israel official aim has been to shut down UNRWA in Israel and the OPT altogether, and this was expressed in a legal ban on UNRWA operations late fall 2024. This presentation explores key humanitarian, social, political, legal, and other consequences of Israeli attacks and legal ban in the OPT and beyond. | |
Jørgen Jensehaugen (Peace Research Institute Oslo, PRIO) - A tragedy wrapped in a catastrophe inside a disaster | When Donald Trump cut funding to UNRWA in 2018 that was seen as the greatest threat to UNRWA as of yet. UNRWA weathered the storm, closing the funding gap that year, but operated in a crisis mode as needs increased, funds were limited and political attacks against the organization escalated. In Gaza the population was under an Israeli siege, and to a very large extent it was UNRWA that kept the population alive. The 2023-2024 Gaza war has also been a war on UNRWA, as UNRWA stood as a last bulwark against total collapse. This war, then, took UNRWA from financial crisis mode to having to fight for its very existence, with Palestinians in Gaza paying the highest price. The war against UNRWA sets a dangerous precedent, making UNRWA the canary in the coalmine of the multilateral system. | |
Jasmin Paananen (University of Helsinki) – The State-Like Role of a Non-Sovereign: Exploring Expectations Placed on UNRWA Amid Increased Uncertainty | Israel’s war on Gaza and the subsequent developments since October 2023 have in many ways reshaped the political realities across the Middle East—not least within the Palestinian refugee camps in Lebanon. These camps have been affected by the increased Israel-led efforts to undermine UNRWA, the UN organization responsible for their maintenance. Although UNRWA’s mandate is limited to humanitarian service provision, decades of presence have embedded it into refugee communities, creating growing expectations for it to assume governance and security-related functions. This paper, based on original research conducted for my master’s thesis in 2024, investigates UNRWA’s role in the Shatila refugee camp in Lebanon. By examining expectations placed on UNRWA by political and civil society actors in Shatila, the paper explores the complex ‘state-like’ role of UNRWA amid escalating efforts to destabilize this non-sovereign organization. | |
underv-rom 1 | ||
Political and Social Transformations in the Gulf States I | ||
Chair: Pinar Tank (Peace Research Institute Oslo) | ||
Eyup Ersoy (King’s College London) – The Evolution of the UAE-Turkey Relations: Relational Volatility in an Uncertain Middle East | Diplomatic relations between states in the Middle East are subject to relational volatility characterized by abrupt fluctuations. Bilateral relations between the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Turkey in the last two decades are emblematic of this ingrained feature of Middle Eastern geopolitics. This constant shift in relations between the UAE and Turkey calls for a scrupulous assessment evading stereotypical narratives. This paper presents a thorough analysis of this relationship in the last two decades discussing the entire set of parameters that have influenced the evolution of relations between the UAE and Turkey, for better or for worse. It argues that the UAE and Turkey recalibrate their policies in response to both regional and international developments that inform, influence, and induce the transformations observed in their bilateral relationship. The paper draws on all the available qualitative and quantitative data on various dimensions of the relationship. | |
Oksana Didyk (Lecturer at S.H. Skovoroda Kharkiv National Pedagogical University (Ukraine)) - Political Branding and Citizen Engagement in the Gulf: A New Model for Democracy Perception? | This paper examines the role of personal branding in shaping citizen engagement and perceptions of democracy within Gulf autocracies. Focusing on how Gulf leaders have adopted modern branding strategies, the study explores whether the emphasis on individual personas represents a shift in traditional autocratic structures. The central question addresses how these branding efforts impact the public's concept of an ideal leader and influence expectations for political modernization and democratic reform. Using a mixed-methods approach, this research combines content analysis of leaders' social media and official communications with surveys to gauge public responses to such branding. This study also considers global trends in personal branding and the implications for autocratic governance, positing that enhanced individual visibility may foster symbolic democracy that affects citizens’ expectations. The findings suggest that personal branding by Gulf leaders has introduced new dynamics in public perceptions of governance, altering the populace’s expectations of leadership and reform. | |
Amal Alqawasmi (Copenhagen University | Gulf Women and Transnational Solidarity: Socio-Legal Perspectives on Supporting Palestinian Resilience During the Gaza Genocide This paper examines the socio-legal dimensions of women’s solidarity movements within the Gulf, focusing on how Gulf women support Palestinian resilience amid the Gaza genocide. Grounded in socio-legal theory, it explores Gulf women’s roles in advocacy, humanitarian efforts, and grassroots mobilization in response to the severe violence in Gaza, framing these actions as transnational solidarity that transcends political boundaries. The study highlights the unique positions of Gulf women as they navigate complex socio-political landscapes to provide legal aid, financial support, and social resources, often challenging patriarchal and state-imposed constraints. By documenting these efforts, the paper argues that Gulf women’s initiatives are crucial to Palestinian resilience, demonstrating the intersection of gender, law, and activism. This exploration provides a nuanced understanding of the socio-legal impacts of Gulf women’s solidarity, positioning their work as essential to the broader movement for Palestinian rights and international justice amidst genocide. |
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underv-rom 2 | Comparative History of State Formation and Nation Building in the Middle East - Updating the Rokkan Legacy | In a recent volume (Mjøset, L., Butenschøn, N. & K. Harpviken (Eds). A Comparative Historical and Typological Approach to the Middle Eastern State System. Comparative Social Research, Vol 36, 2024, 275 pp), we pursued comparative historical reasoning in the study of Middle Eastern state formation and nation building. Unlike standard approaches using large datasets, and unlike interpretation-based humanities approaches, we combine historical sociological traditions (Rokkan, Moore, Anderson, Skocpol) and case-oriented methodologies (Glaser & Strauss’s “grounded theory”, George & Bennett’s “typological theory). Our comparisons aim to account for periodic variation in patterns of state-formation within specific historical periods and over time. They are grounded in case-studies, they rely on formal concepts (from studies of social movements, varieties of capitalism, historical institutions), and they employ lists of explanatory factors combined into conceptual-typological maps. |
Chair: Nils Butenschøn (University of Oslo) | ||
Rania Maktabi (Østfold University College) - Women’s rights and the role of family law in a comparative, Rokkanian perspective |
The legal position of extra-marital and unregistered children remains remarkably similar across Arab states irrespective of ratification of international conventions on children’s rights. In Morocco, statelessness exists despite amendment to the patriarchal nationality law in 2007 which gave Moroccan women the right to transfer nationality to their children. In Kuwait, statelessness among children of Kuwaiti women persists despite the unanimous passing of Law on the Child in 2015. Lebanese and Syrian women find it harder to register their children in official personal records in the wake of the 2011 Arab revolts due to complex certification practices, including in cases where filiation and marital conditions are met. The paper addresses two aspects pertaining to the entanglement of family law and nationality law: (i) registration practices concerning paternity (ubuwwa) and filiation (nasab); and (ii) nationality laws that discriminate against children of single mothers, and children born to female citizens married to non-nationals. |
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Lena Larsen (University of Oslo) - Protecting the Offspring: But what about the Child? | The Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) is the most ratified treaty globally, with 196 member states; however, many Muslim-majority countries express reservations based on Sharia. Since the early 20th century, family law has become a critical symbol of Islamic identity and serve as an arena for the protection of the family and its values. However, these laws can lead to discrimination and harmful practices against children, especially girls. Key concerns include child marriage, as well as the circumstances of children born out of wedlock. The protection of offspring is fundamental to Islamic tradition, articulated in the theory of the objectives of Sharia (maqasid al-sharia). This presentation will explore the implications of this theory, which, while rooted in historical contexts, arguing that it provides a framework for reinterpretation and reform in Islamic thought, aligning with international human rights standards regarding the best interests of the child. |
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Lars Mjøset (University of Oslo) - A revised conceptual map for the post-war Middle East, with special emphasis on the role of Israel’s settler colonial state building from 1948 on |
This paper investigates how our recent typological map (Mjøset, Meijer, Harpviken & Butenschön, 2024) of the colonial period (1870s to the 1930s) in the Middle East can be developed into a tool for comparative analysis of state formation in the post-war period. Above all, this requires an analysis of Israel’s insertion as a new state formation project in the region with Yishuv since the 1920s and a full-blown state after 1948. Israel’s preconditions are traced through four sets of typologies: of diasporas, of European nation-building movements, of settler colonial state formation, of great power support and of soft power. Israel’s history as a state is then periodized up to the present. Its strong state formation trajectory (Tilly) is marked by thoroughly institutionalized security imperatives, first related to warfare against the neighbouring Arab states, later also treating any effort at Palestinian nation building and state formation as threats to be countered. |
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underv-rom 3 | Regional (Dis)Order in the Wake of the Gaza War – Global, Regional and Domestic intertwinements | In Middle East scholarship, there is a long tradition of emphasizing how global, regional, and domestic politics are intertwined in complex ways in the Middle East. Against this background, this panel explores the shifting geopolitical landscape of the Middle East following the Gaza war of October 2023 and examines changes and continuities in how these three levels of politics are linked. Courtney Freer examines Qatari mediation efforts, linking domestic politics to foreign policy to understand how Qatar's mediation enhances its regional and global standing. Simon Mabon reflects on the contested order in the Middle East, arguing that the region is in an interregnum, with old orders fraying and new ones yet to emerge. Edward Wastnidge discusses the competing visions of regional order, focusing on the roles of Saudi Arabia, Iran, and Turkey-Qatar alliances. Finally, André Bank, May Darwich, and Morten Valbjørn analyze the regime-people dynamics in the Middle East, highlighting how the Gaza war has reshaped regional politics and impacted authoritarian regimes' relationships with their societies. Together, these papers provide a comprehensive analysis of the evolving Middle Eastern geopolitical order. |
Chair: Maria Josua | ||
Courtney Freer (Emery University) - Gulf States Foreign Policy: Mediation amidst Regional Reordering | Since the start of the Gaza war in October 2023 and immediately following fall of the Asad regime in Syria in December 2024, the states of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) have been a constant presence on the regional scene, particularly when it comes to mediation. More specifically, this paper will assess Qatari efforts on the regional scene regarding mediation of the war in Gaza and with rebels after the fall of Asad. In so doing, this piece aims to link domestic politics to foreign policy decisions to understand the interplay between domestic politics and foreign policy. Is mediation used as a tool to strengthen regime legitimacy, or is it used to enhance Qatar’s standing as a small state in global politics? In what ways are Qatari interests enhanced by its mediation efforts in the Middle East? | |
Simon Mabon (Lancaster University) - The Shifting Contours of Regional Order in the Post 2023 Landscape | Since the deadly Hamas attacks of October 7th, order across the Middle East has become increasingly precarious. The destruction of Gaza and south Lebanon, killing of key Hamas and Hizballah leaders, fall of Bashar Assad, and ongoing questions about the role of the US have shaken the very principles that underpin order across the Middle East. In this paper I reflect on the ways in which order has been contested and the causes of such contestation. This paper argues that the Middle East has entered an interregnum, a period in which the old order is fraying but a new order is yet to emerge. Drawing on Bourdieusian approaches to Middle Eastern IR which draw on capital as a means of imposing principles of vision over a field, the paper reflects on a contestation between different modes of capital which resonate across political fields in flux by virtue of the shifting dynamics of the transnational field. It questions how dynamics emerging in the post-October 7th landscape affect forms of capital and their ability to impose principles of vision over fields, drawing on the cases of Saudi Arabia, Israel and Iran. | |
Edward Wastnidge (The Open University) - Regional (dis)order and alliance building in the Middle East: nomoi as a principle of contending visions on the region’s geopolitics | Edward Wastnidge (The Open University, UK, edward.wastnidge@open.ac.uk) The Middle East is in the midst of overlapping conflicts and profound disorder, triggered in part by the events of October 7th, 2023, and the ensuing Gaza conflict, but which are rooted in longer standing, competing visions of order within the region. The sense of a US ‘draw down’ from the region, whether real or imagined, is further enhanced through the increasing role played by other global powers, such as China, India and Russia, and also through the increasing agency being exerted by regional powers. As such, the Middle East remains an important arena for contending visions about the future of global and regional politics. Drawing on previous work on the concept of nomos and regional order in the Middle East, this paper will examine the competing visions that lie behind alliance building in an increasingly multipolar Middle East. It will discuss the aims of key ‘axes’ in the region, and how they can be considered as forming competing nomoi (organising principles), offering sometimes conflicting visions for the region. The paper will explore Saudi, Iranian, and Turkish-Qatari-led nomoi, highlighting how all three regional powers have sought to re-imagine their roles in light of continuing instability in the Middle East. |
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André Bank (GIGA) - Syria as Arena (and Catalyst) of Regional, Hegemonic Conflicts in the Middle East | Syria has been a central arena for regional hegemonic conflicts in the Middle East in recent history. “The Struggle for Syria” (Seale 1965) focused on Arab-Middle Eastern politics from 1945 to 1958, “The Battle for Syria” (Philipps 2016) studied the regional and global rivalries since the beginning of the internationalized civil war 2011. This presentation examines the developments in Syria since 2015/6, when four areas of control gradually crystallized, each with (different) dominant external actors. This important “outside-in” dynamic also showed in fall of 2024 when the immense military weakening of President al-Assad’s regional supporters Iran and the Lebanese Hizballah by Israel was crucial for the ousting of the regime on 8 December 2024. But dynamics in Syria also operate “inside-out,” that is on the region of the Middle East. A comprehensive analysis of Syria should always consider Syrians as active catalysts of regional political dynamics. | |
grupperom 1 | Alternative Archives? Sites of Narrative Production in Post-Colonial Egypt | Who gets to tell the story of post-colonial Egypt? And through what means? This panel centralizes narratives about post-colonial Egypt and looks at several forms of alternative archives as sites of memory, heritage, community, and storytelling. The Nubian community is a prime example of a marginalized narrative in post-colonial Egypt, as their mass displacement in the 1960s and its preceding histories have long been evaded in Egyptian collective memory. Some historians view this displacement as a necessary evil for the modernization of Egypt through the establishment of the High Dam, and others centralize the archeological artifacts of Nubia as salvage-worthy monuments while dismissing how Nubian people experienced and narrated their displacement. The papers presented will use alternative forms of archives to narrate the Nubian community’s displacement and place it in the grand narrative of post-colonial Egypt. Such alternative archives include literary productions, 20th-century periodicals and publications, sound archive, and public policy strategies. |
Chair: Bushra Hashem | ||
Mayada Madbouly (Groningen University) - Al-Shamandoura: (Hi)stories of Displacement and Anti-Colonial Resistance | Al-Shamandoura (1968) is the first novel written by a Nubian author in Egypt. Its author, Mohamed Khalil Kasem, who is considered the founder of Nubian literature, was a communist activist imprisoned while writing it in the 1960s. The novel poetically narrates the Nubian third forced displacement after the elevation of Aswan’s dam during the 1930s and depicts the socio-economic conditions, gender relations, and power dynamics in the Egyptian Nubian villages before the displacement. It also shows the process through which the displacement generated different forms of violence and reinforced labour masculine migration to the northern Egyptian cities. This presentation looks at the novel as an “archive of feelings” since it documents the experience of loss and transmits these feelings through generations. It also focuses on how this novel narrates colonial hegemony and the promises of m | |
Khaled Hafiry (Independent Researcher) - Nubian Periodicals as Alternative Archives: When Memory Becomes Readable | Starting the 1920s, paper magazines and periodicals served as alternative media outlets for Nubians migrating to major cities such as Alexandria, Cairo, and the Canal cities. These bulletins and magazines could be a means of understanding the missing and unresolved details about the Nubians of t he big cities in the 1920s, 30s, and 40s and the attempts to establish a cohesive and interconnected Nubian community in contact with the villages in the far south of Egypt at a time of scarce means of communication. Since most publications about Nubia during this time were travel accounts or European archeological descriptions of Nubian artifacts, there is much to be explored about how Nubians documented their own experience of migration and displacement. Thus, this paper will look at these magazines and periodicals as archival materials that showcase the cultural, economic, social, and political mobility of Nubians during displacement. | |
Iman Afify (University of Oslo) - One Man’s Loss Is Another Man’s Treasure: On the Double-Edged Sword of Statehood Building |
The scale of the “gratitude” shown in the lists of the UNESCO for the Saving the Nubia Temples campaign is only a glimpse of the number of monuments and artifacts that were given as tokens or gifts. To what extent was this campaign transactional? Did countries contribute to the saving of the Nubia temples for the payback they were getting? The developmental efforts done by the Nasserist state throughout the 60s of last century were pivotal in setting the foundation for multiple worldviews. The establishment of World Heritage was due to the Nubia Temples, to name one. However, due to such state-building efforts, on one hand the country appears to be thriving and on the other, its natives and local communities are being displaced for the sake of a place within international paraphernalia. Pondering upon questions from my PhD research, this paper explores the event that laid foundations for many other pivotal initiatives, concepts, policies, and forms of governance to come. | |
Fayrouz Kaddal (Duke University) - Silence and Absence in Nubia’s Salvaged Heritage: A Look into Anna Hohenwart-Gerlachstein’s Sound Archive | ||
grupperom 7 | Prisonscapes: Living, Imagining and Narrating Prisons in the SWANA region |
Prisons are central institutions in the SWANA region, and imprisonment has long been used as a form of political crackdown, becoming even more prevalent after the 2010-11 Arab revolts. Narratives about prisons are abundant: written from within the prison cell or after the prisoner’s release, they often take the form of novels, memoirs, and diaries, contributing to the well-established genre of adab al-sijn (or adab al-sujun, prison literature). These narratives also circulate as oral accounts and social media posts. Prisoners' narratives are often in stark contrast to how governments discuss imprisonment. In this panel, we seek a multidisciplinary engagement with prison narratives that takes into account both lived and imagined accounts. Drawing on a variety of primary sources that include literature, social media, and material culture from Egypt, the Levant, and the Maghreb, we tackle the following questions: Who narrates imprisonment today? Which genres and aesthetics are used to narrate prisons? How do these narratives circulate, and who are the intended recipients? Our methods of analysis include close reading, fieldwork observation, and social media research . |
Chair: Samad Alavi | ||
Teresa Pepe (University of Oslo) - From Prison to the World. A Comparative Reading of Naji’s Hirz Mikamkim (Rotten Evidence, 2020) and Abd el-Fattah’s You Have Not Yet Been Defeated (2021). | This paper analyses contemporary Egyptian literary narratives about prison, including Ahmad Naji’s Hirz Mikamkim (2020, Rotten Evidence, 2023) and Alaa Abd el-Fattah’s You Have Not Yet Been Defeated (2021). Comparing them to previous forms of prison literature from Egypt, it shows that both books depart from the social-realistic mode that has prevailed throughout the 20th century; rather they renovate the genre with aesthetic traits drawn from postmodern and digital literature, exemplified by autofictional or anonymous modes of authorship and co-authorship, narrative fragmentation and bodily exposures. These aesthetic features indicate a departure from the mainly documentary, testimonial nature that has characterized this type of literature in Egypt. It rather illuminates the author’s attempt to write about prison to mobilize and connect with transnational communities of leftist activists and persecuted writers. | |
Anne-Marie McManus (Forum Transregionale Studien) - The Liberation of Sednaya Prison, December 2024 | This paper reviews the liberation of Syria’s notorious Sednaya Prison as a critical act in the overthrow of the Assad regime. Beginning in late November 2024, the rebel group Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) took Aleppo then moved south until it took Damascus, the capital. Along its lightning-speed path, the group liberated numerous prisons, broadcasting on social media videos of darkened hallways and prisoners bursting out onto the streets in states of joy, confusion, and grief. The most iconic of these sites was Sednaya, dubbed a human slaughterhouse by Amnesty International in 2017 and the heart of the regime’s post-2011 oppression. An outpouring of videos, Telegram channels, and civil efforts to break open the prison united Syrians in a virtual space inside and outside the country. This paper maps those digital initiatives and, drawing on accounts of prison as the heart of the Assad regime, argues they were critical practices – both symbolically and logistically – to the final achievement of a 14-year revolution | |
Elena Chiti (Stockholm University) - The Citadel Prison Museum of Cairo: Through the Guards’ Eyes | This paper intends to study the Citadel Prison Museum of Cairo as a site of memory. It relies upon fieldwork observation conducted on site during several visits, between 2022 and 2024. Given the sensitive character of the topic in present-day Egypt, it does not rely on interviews or surveys among visitors, nor on interviews with the Museum employees or the management. The analysis of the museography is carried out to uncover the narratives that the display conveys. The methods of semiotics and narratology are applied in the analysis of such narratives, in terms of both focalization and temporality. I will argue that the visitors’ itinerary is exclusively focalized through the point of view of the guards, not that of the former prisoners. Besides, the long-term and yet blurred perspective adopted in the setting inscribes the prison in a linear, unproblematic temporality. |
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Rahma Fateen - From the Homefront to the Prison Gate: Ethnographic Perspectives on Muslim Brotherhood Wives in Egypt Post-2013 | Although extensive research has been carried out on political detainees, the Muslim Brotherhood (MB), and the political atmosphere in Egypt since the coup of 2013, notably, little scholarly attention has been paid to the human stories of the wives of MB political prisoners. This study sets out to explore the lived experiences of MB women, focusing on their roles as partners to politically incarcerated figures, as mothers, and as community members. To gain insight into their lives, the research employs interviews with women whose husbands/fathers were arrested following the 2013 coup due to their political affiliation, and autoethnographic methods. The findings indicate that the principles of the Brotherhood have shaped these women's lives with purpose and direction, and when MB's community support may have its limitations, the women forged solidarity through fellow sisters, and families of detainees became a vital source of assistance. |
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19:00-20:30 | Reception at Oslo City Hall (subway stop “Nationaltheatret”). | |
Day Two | Friday 26 September | |
08:30-16:00 | Registration (takes place in the Hall) | |
09:00-10:30 | Panels 4 | |
Aud 1 | Nuancing the Concept of Relics in Islamic Contexts: Historical and Theoretical Perspectives |
The concept of ”relics” is pivotal in the History of Religions. This panel seeks to explore the diversity of relic veneration in Islam across various historical periods, geographical locations, and traditions. We aim to provide a more nuanced understanding of relics by examining their role in different Islamic movements and their strategic use by political leaders and dynasties to assert authority, as well as by ordinary people for various purposes. We contend that the study of Islamic relics requires a comprehensive approach, incorporating both contemporary and historical material, and employing diverse methodologies and theoretical frameworks. The term athar (“traces”), broadly defined, encompasses body parts, specific objects, places, and is often used interchangeably with hadiths. This indicates that narratives about the Prophet’s sayings and actions were also considered relics, as they represent remnants connected to him. Analytically, relics can thus be conceptualized as a distinct object category, tied to particular narratives, values, forms of authority and practices. However, if we conceptualize relics as a functional category understood as “transmitters” and “contact points” and “containers”, they can be compared to other objects, such as petitions and souvenirs connected with pilgrimages and other religious travels. In this panel, we will engage with both textual sources and physical objects, applying a range of theoretical and methodological perspectives. Our objective is to contribute to the systematic comparison and conceptual development necessary for a deeper understanding of this broad phenomenon. |
Chair: Susanne Olsson (Stockholm University) | ||
Ingvild Flaskerud (Oslo University) - Relics and other barakat-transporting objects: Connecting lived life with the sacred | Relics and other barakat-transporting objects: Connecting lived life with the sacred A “relic” is an object which is esteemed and venerated because of its association with a saint or a martyr. The object (for example, a body part, a piece of clothing, or a footprint) is typically supported by and tied to a certain narrative which defines its status as a remain or a remnant of the person venerated. Historically as well as today, a relic is held to enable believers to get into contact with the sacred. It can thus be conceptualized as a specific object category understood to function as a “transmitter”, “contact point” and “container”. As such, the relic can be compared to other objects, such as petition objects and protective objects. A significant difference between relics, and petition objects and protective objects is that the relic is often given a permanent ‘residence’, which is visited by pilgrims, whereas petition and protective objects are put in circulation. At some point, however, also relics have been in circulation. In this paper, I explore the theoretical advantages or disadvantages of comparing these different forms of “contact points” when exploring Muslims’ conceptualizations of the “sacred”. What is considered important about something or someone being sacred, and how can it be accessed? |
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Susanne Olsson (Stockholm University) - Hagiographic Use of Relics and Veneration to Establish Traditionalist Islam | The paper critically analyzes a biography of Ibn Hanbal (d. 855), authored by Ibn al-Jawzi (d. 1200), and characterizes it as a hagiographic work. It situates this text within Ibn al-Jawzi’s broader objective of legitimizing the Hanbali school of law as a recognized legal tradition. Written in a period marked by the coexistence of diverse Islamic interpretations and practices, the biography reflects Ibn al-Jawzi’s polemical stance against these trends. The article highlights the significance of relic veneration and grave visitations, practices rooted in early Islam but often regarded as later innovations. These practices are typically viewed as antithetical to traditionalist positions and are frequently labeled as innovations. Moreover, the paper notes a deliberate distancing from Sufism within the biography, which may explain the portrayal of Ibn Hanbal’s miraculous attributes and behaviors—elements that, on the surface, might be conflated with Sufi asceticism or relic veneration. The paper seeks to delineate these practices by examining how they are presented in the biographical material. It also aims to explain Ibn al-Jawzi's interpretative strategies in portraying Ibn Hanbal as a role model akin to Sufi saints, but with a distinct theological framework. | |
Martin Riexinger (Aarhus University) - Reestablishing Islam as a “counter reigion”: Muḥammad b. ʿAbd al-Wahhāb’s Mukhtaṣar sīrat al-rasūl | The biography of the Prophet by the founder of Wahhabism, is an attack against rituals related to the devotion of Muḥammad prevalent in the Islamic World since the 13th century as well as the underlying concepts. Refering to Assmann’s differentiation between primary and secondary religions it will be shown that the text fits into a pattern in secondary religions, which understand themselves as “counter religions” to “paganism”. As the latter is associated with material objects and place related rituals, a recurrent phenomenon in secondary religions is the emergence of movements, claiming to repeat the original break with paganism and to reestablish the original purity, which implies the denunciation of materials objects and the insistence on the primacy of the “scripture”. Ibn ʿAbd al-Wahhāb’s insists on the human character of Muḥammad, denies his preexistence, reduces miraculous elements (thus delegitimizing sufi “saints””), while he highlights his military feats and the destruction of idols as the central aspects of his life. From this follows that the veneration of relics of the prophet and the celebration of events in his life are a wrong form of devotion for Muḥammad. The right kind is to follow his example and two prohibit practices and destroy items and places related to the adoration of someone else but God. Hence one can argue for a puritan Sunni Muslim the relics of Muḥammad that matter are not material leftovers, but his recorded deeds in service of God’s unicity, which are to be honored by following the model of Muḥammad not as a prophet but a leader. |
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Aud 2 | Technology and Settler Colonialism in Israel/Palestine |
What role does technology play in informing and undergirding Israeli settler colonialism in Palestine? How has technology enabled, and been enabled by, erasure and fragmentation of Palestinian space over time? How is techno-capitalism – digital, infrastructural, military innovations, including their affective and cultural aspects – leveraged for colonial objectives? The panel explores interrelated Israeli practices and industries, connecting militarization and territorial engineering with settler colonial imaginaries of technology as well as their global circulations and extensions. The papers on this panel deal with topics such as nuclear weapons, waste, and toxicity; surveillance technology and settlements; startups and death; and global circulations of (in)security technologies. By providing theoretical and empirical context regarding the links between technology and settler colonialism, the panel simultaneously reflects on Gaza today, where Israeli genocide has been accelerated by artificial intelligence, and which has witnessed ethnic cleansing alongside policies aimed at bantustanization and control through privatized regimes of security. |
Chair: Pelle Valentin Olsen (University of Bergen) | ||
Antti Tarvainen (University of Helsinki) - Necroventures: Speculating on Death and Startups in Palestine/Israel | This paper explores the role of Palestinian and Israeli death in the speculations over 'disruptive innovations' and 'AI revolutions' in Israel's innovation economy. I argue that in the post-October-7th genocidal landscapes of Palestine/Israel, some of the key actors in Israel's crisis-inflicted high-tech industry are converting the deaths of both Palestinians and Israelis into a medium for attracting investments and speculating on future growth. Conceptualizing the deathly speculations as 'necroventures', I discuss how Israelis become the individualized sacrificial objects of innovation economy, while the Palestinians are killed as nameless and faceless mass, and as demonic figures. Following the classic colonial scripture, the Israeli and Palestinian bodies remain unequal even after death - yet united for capital. The paper contributes to the discussions on the tensions and convergencies of settler colonial and capitalist speculations in the context of global innovation economy. The research material draws from investment pitches and global solidarity campaigns for Israel's high-tech economy after the 7th of October. | |
Heba Taha (Lund University) - Radioactive Colonialism in Palestine/Israel | This paper aims to retell the conventional story of the Dimona nuclear reactor in Israel. Built in the 1950s with French assistance, the nuclear reactor produces Israel’s thermonuclear weapons. In much of the literature on nuclear weapons, Dimona has been described as enabling the security of the state. Revisiting the reactor’s history, this paper links the construction of the nuclear reactor in the Naqab/Negev to the colonization of Palestinian land. It connects Israel’s development of nuclear weapons to a global process of radioactive colonialism, in which nuclear technologies and industries have been concentrated in indigenous spaces, exposing racialized communities to toxicity in a practice of ‘waste-landing’, which overlaps extensively with regimes of violence and dispossession. The paper simultaneously situates both the city of Dimona and the nearby reactor within Zionist developmental dreams, particularly the well-established Orientalist discourse of ‘making the desert bloom’, paying attention to its underlying logic of securitization. | |
Wassim Ghantous (Tampere University) - Homological correspondence: Israel as a frontier of global domination | This presentation offers a novel approach for understanding the extremely tight, almost inextricable, relationship between Israel and (western-led) global centers of dominations. Moving over and beyond geopolitical reasonings and historical analogies, the presentation locates this relationship within an immanent dynamic space of homological correspondence within which Israel is positioned as a frontier of global centers of domination. Homology here refers to the shared infrapolitical affinity between Israel and global centers of domination across political, territorial, economic, and military milieus, and hence works to preclude exceptionalizing the conditions in Palestine/Israel. Moreover, the positioning of Israel as a frontier provides two important analytical movements: 1) paying attention to the varying degrees of intensity of political vectors and praxis – political objectives, modes of othering, enmity, control, violence – in which Israel is perceived an intensified and accelerated formation; and 2) tracking the tensions, continuities and expansions that take place between the two ends of the homological space and constantly reshuffle and realign global centers of domination. Specifically, the talk will center the ways in which Israeli (in)security modalities and technologies at play in Palestine constitute intensified and intensifying modalities that are increasingly expanding against other othered populations globally. Such expansions, however, have been expediting since October 7th 2023 bringing closer alignment between the Israeli frontier and global centers of domination. | |
underv-rom 1 | The Lives and Afterlives of Indian Ocean Seafaring Cultures in the Middle East | In recent decades, there has been a growing interest in situating areas of the Middle East more firmly within the Indian Ocean world, thus drawing attention to the creole and porous boundaries of the Middle East as well as its transregional connections to East Africa, India and beyond. This transdisciplinary panel explores the modern and contemporary maritime lives and afterlives of Indian Ocean seafaring cultures in the Middle East and discusses the interpretative implications of a transregional oceanic approach to the region, and how does one go about it. Two of the papers deal specifically with the seafaring culture of the Gujarati Ismaili-Shia group of the Dawoodi Bohras, zooming in on the Bohras community in the United Arab Emirates and on Bohra pan-Islam respectively, while the last focuses on the Yemeni Houthis and their campaign to disturb global maritime trade. |
Chair: Nefissa Naguib (University of Oslo) | ||
Susanne Dahlgren (Finnish Institute in the Middle East, Beirut - The Afterlife of a Global Sea Route: The Houthis and the Ship Sinking Game | The Houthi Movement, Ansar Allah rose to the world attention in the late 2023 when it started to threaten ships bound to Israel. Later on, the scope of vessels to be targeted included also British and American ships. The strikes have made the Red Sea and the Arabian Sea unsafe for civilian shipping, making passage through them both dangerous and expensive, including due to insurance premiums. The route is a key international trade route connecting Asia, Africa and Europe, carrying 12 percent of the world's oil exports and about a fifth of all seaborne container traffic. With opening rapprochement with the Somali al-Shabaab group, the Houthis have realized the old fears of extremist groups in control of both shores of the key global sea route. My paper will discuss the political economy of the dangerous sea route. I will ask, where does the Houthi insurgency lead now that the Iranian-led Axis of resistance has been severely weakened and other political forces in Yemen desperately wait the peace negotiations to resume to end the decade-long conflict in the poverty-stricken country. | |
Mattias Gori Olesen (Aarhus University) - The Dawoodi Bohras as Pan-Islamic Seafarers, 1880s to Present Day | Nineteenth and early twentieth century pan-Islam is often identified with a reformist tint and anti-colonial activism. However, it was not always so, and the history of the seafaring Indian Ismaili-Shia Dawoodi Bohras and their interfaces with pan-Islam is a case in point. As representatives of a customary rather than reformist Islam, and as then mostly loyal British subjects, the Bohras are not the usual suspects of pan-Islamic activities and ideas. Nevertheless, from the late 19th century, the Bohras did use their extensive corporate network across the Indian Ocean to support and facilitate pan-Islamic causes, and from the 1930s onwards, the Bohras themselves have engaged in revamping important Muslim holy sites in the Middle East as part of a pan-Islamic project. Zooming in on the Middle Eastern connections and activities of the Bohras, the paper discusses the role of an oft-overlooked seafaring culture and minority in the history of pan-Islam. |
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Thomas Fibiger (Aarhus University) - “Mumbai is domestic”. Dubai as an Indian, Persian and Arab City | Dubai is a modern global metropolis, a key trading hub of the contemporary Indian Ocean, and an important Middle Eastern city. Two thirds of the population have South Asian origin and many still feel connected there, through family, business relations and national identity. Dawoodi Bohras, among the more affluent South Asians in the Emirates, often travel between India and Dubai, and in addition to the above also to visit religious sites and leadership, as part of their particular Ismaili tradition. To them, Dubai does not feel far away from India, indeed as it was often expressed “Mumbai is domestic”, as close to Dubai as other cities around India. This is one often noted story about Dubai, but as I will show in this presentation Dubai is also very much part of the Middle East, both Arab and Persian. It is Arab by way of its leadership and eg. access to citizenship, which is therefore also an important relation for Indian communities such as the Bohras. And it is Persian by way of origin and seafaring culture, as the modern city of Dubai was established in a joint venture of the Arab Emir and Persian merchants freed of tax. The presentation therefore focuses on the history of seafaring cultures in the case of Dubai, as well as its contemporary afterlives with a case study of the Dawoodi Bohras in Dubai. | |
underv-rom 2 | New Cinema Groups and Alliances in a Revolutionary Age | This panel explores the interplay between cinema and revolutionary politics in the Middle East, interrogating the role of film as a medium of critique, resistance, and solidarity against colonialism, imperialism, and capitalism. The first paper investigates Egypt’s 1960s socialist cinema, uncovering debates among filmmakers, critics, and officials over the form, style, and purpose of a committed socialist film. The second delves into Palestinian revolutionary cinema after 1967, analyzing its critiques of occupation and global capitalism to envision new horizons of resistance. The third paper situates the Afro-Asian Film Festival as an anti-imperialist platform during the Bandung era, tracing its role in fostering a radical Afro-Asian solidarity. The final paper reexamines 1970s Palestinian solidarity films, foregrounding their strategies of cinematic truth-telling in confronting Zionist settler colonialism. Together, these papers highlight cinema’s capacity to articulate modes of resistance and imagine alternative futures. |
Chair: Tamara Maatouk (City University of New York, CUNY) | ||
Tamara Maatouk (City University of New York, CUNY) - “We Were Making Socialist Films before Socialism!” | This paper poses questions about the meanings and characteristics of a committed socialist cinema as debated by film professionals, officials, and critics in 1960s Egypt. It engages in a discussion among these groups on the definition of a socialist film. Existing scholarship on Egyptian cinema describes the measures taken by the state to manage and control the film subsectors as an inevitable aspect of Egypt’s shift toward socialism. By juxtaposing films with official documents concerning cultural and film affairs, popular and specialized periodicals, conference proceedings, memoirs, interviews, contemporaneous essays, and the press, this paper shifts the focus from the industry to its product—the film. It traces the conversation, and sometimes negotiation, on what a socialist film should be, the style and form it should adopt, the topics it should address, the audience it should prioritize, and the purpose it should serve. | |
Jeremy Randall ( The Graduate Center, CUNY) - New Horizons of Revolutionary Palestinian Cinema: Capitalism, Occupation, and Revolution | Following the Naksa in 1967, the Palestinian movement analyzed setbacks with a new outlook toward the ongoing occupation and global capitalism. Major Palestinian groups critiqued earlier revolutionary projects and pivoted towards thinking of an expansive form of revolution. Filmmakers within these movements forged a revolutionary future based on repudiating the past. Their works interrogated the linkages between the occupation of Palestine, imperialism, and capitalism that speak first to their contemporary conditions. Building upon earlier works that analyze cinema’s role in imagining the Palestinian nation, I draw upon the Manifesto of the Palestinian Cinema Group, The Cinema and the Revolution by the PFLP, and articles in the PFLP magazine al-Hadaf alongside films to explore the liberatory powers of critique made via film. This body of work provides an aesthetic, political, and theoretical entanglement with the question of resistance and revolution toward constructing a future radically different from earlier failed attempts. | |
Claire Begbie (Concordia University) - Documenting and Resisting Zionist Settler Colonial Violence in 1970s Palestine Solidarity Cinema | Ghaleb Shaath’s Land Day (1978) and Qais al-Zubaidi’s Homeland of Barbed Wire (1980) are paradigmatic examples of the PLO’s efforts to educate spectators about the forms of violence Zionism perpetrates across Palestine, and the forms of resistance and political organization this violence engenders at respective historical junctures. These films served a political educational purpose at the time, and were shown primarily at film festivals and in university contexts in the Global North—where they served mobilizational efforts for the Palestinian cause. I return to these films in the context of genocide on Palestine, when the contradictions they critiqued in the 1970s have intensified, and when questions like “what is the responsibility of the image?” crop up regularly in conversations. I analyze their formal approaches to this dialectic of violence and resistance, arguing that they stand as instructive examples of cinematic truth-telling in the Palestinian struggle for justice. | |
underv-rom 3 | Fatwas as Expressions of Order: Analyzing Fatwas, Great and Small |
Fatwas are issued in their thousands every day and tend to confirm an existing order. But sometimes, more significant fatwas work to change it, or at least register a new order, be it in the realm of politics, social life, cultural expressions, or religious norms. This panel addresses both the many small and the few great fatwas. Inspired by the seminal volume on Muftis and their Fatwas by Masud, Messick, and Powers (1996), the panel discusses developments in the ifta' of official state fatwas by analysing a selected fatwa and placing it into a broader context of ifta' and its role: What does the fatwa represent? What function does it serve, and how could we categorise it? What might it tell us about the questioner (mustafti), the mufti, and the function of ifta'? And what does it tell us about religion and religious authority in Egypt and Iraq today? |
Chair: Lena Larsen (University of Oslo) | ||
Jakob Skovgaard-Petersen (University of Copenhagen) - The State Mufti and the Prophet | Since the beginning of its records, the Egyptian Dar al-Ifta has from time to time been consulted about the prophethood of Muhammad. Whether curious, concerned or cantankerous Egyptians needed an answer to a question that had preoccupied them about the life of the prophet: his lifestyle, his household, his wars, his birth his death. Or it might be more theological, about the nature, signs or proofs of his prophecy, his miracles or his message. These are far from the much more ordinary fatwas on marriage, divorce or inheritance. 44 of these fatwas have been published, but more are to be found in the archives. Noting the growing interest in these questions since the turn of millennium, this paper seeks to analyze them and place them in context, aiming at both the concerns of the mustaftis and the orientations of the muftis. |
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Sehra El-Khodary (Independent ) - Fatwas in Practice: Insights from the Department for Oral Fatwa Issuance at Egypt’s Dār al-Iftā' | This paper explores the practical application of Islamic law in contemporary Egypt through fatwas, based on a field study conducted in 2023 at the department for oral fatwa issuance at Dār al-Iftā'. After outlining the department’s structure and processes, I delve into the dynamic interactions between Muftis and mustaftūn, using illustrative examples to shed light on the human dimension of oral Iftā', with particular attention to the language and attitudes I observed during the sessions, as well as the most frequently asked questions. A notable aspect of my observations was the presence of a single female Mufti (Muftiya) in the department, whose authority was at times challenged by mustaftūn, highlighting the gendered dynamics of authority within this space. This paper aims to underscore how fatwas serve as a bridge between Islamic jurisprudence and daily life, demonstrating Islamic law as an adaptive framework that shapes the lives of ordinary Egyptians. | |
Andreas Nabil Younan (University of Cambridge) - Sharīʿa and Societal Stability: Egyptian Fatwas on Ḥudūd Punishments in the 1970s | This paper explores the debate on enforcing the sharīʿa through several pivotal yet overlooked fatwas issued in the mid and late 1970s by the highest religious authorities in Egypt: Shaykh al-Azhar and two State Muftīs. Beginning in the early 1970s, during the so-called “Islamic awakening”, the implementation of divine law became a central topic in Egyptian politics. Islamists initiated the debate, and later, in the mid-1970s, the regime also supported legal Islamisation when its Islamic legitimacy was threatened. This paper will demonstrate that the powerful Muslim clergy soon afterwards—through their preferred medium, the fatwa—supported applying sharīʿa due to concerns about increasing crime rates. Amid fierce political debates, they laid out the “opinion of the religion” (raʾy al-dīn) and argued that a return to Islamic legislation—especially the draconic ḥudūd punishments against theft and alcohol drinking, i.e. amputation of the hand and flogging—would ensure the safety and stability of society. | |
Saer El-Jaichi (Danish Institute of International Studies) - Defensive Jihad and the Authority of Fatwas: The Case of Ayatollah Sistani's 2014 Fatwa Against ISIS | This paper explores the concept of defensive jihad in Islamic jurisprudence, with a particular focus on the fatwa of jihad al-kifai (collective jihad) issued by Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani. The fatwa, issued on June 13, 2014, had transnational effects, calling upon Iraqis to confront and fight ISIS (Islamic State) after their seizure of several areas in western and northern Iraq. The fatwa also sparked debates within the Sunni world, including in Egypt, regarding its legitimacy and scope. In this sense, Sistani’s fatwa serves as a key example to shed light on how the authority of fatwas is challenged and debated in modern Islam. The paper will discuss the religious and legal reasoning behind the fatwa, and explore the debates it sparked, such as whether it should be understood as a fatwa in the classical Shiite sense, thereby binding, or merely as a ruling or scholarly opinion on the duty to fight ISIS. | |
grupperom 1 | Engaging Iran beyond Iran: Diasporic Politics, Transnational Entanglement and Digital Publics | This panel focuses on case studies on Iranian diaspora politics in Europe and North America from the Danish-Norwegian research project "Iran Beyond Iran." In this project, we investigate the entanglement of the diaspora with Iran, with digital public spheres and with geopolitics. Our discussion centers on two main questions: How is Iranian politics transnationalized through diasporic entrepreneurs’ activities? Moreover, what can the case of Iranian diasporic politics tell us generally about conflict over authoritarian states in a globalized, digitized and media-saturated world? Mapping diasporic entrepreneurs as they relate to each other, to Persian-language digital publics and to the influence of transnational authoritarianism, the panel presents various case studies and preliminary research on Iranian political activists in Denmark, IRI-funded Islamic education in western Europe, Iranian Azeri communities in Canada, and exiled Iranian women’s rights activists residing in global cities. |
Chair: Oliver Scharbrodt (Lund University) | ||
Minoo Mirshahvalad (University of Copenhagen) - Al-Mustafa University and Challenges of Islamic Education in Europe | This paper examines the challenges and opportunities of Islamic education in Western Europe by focusing on an understudied case: the role and functionality of the Al-Mustafa University (AMU) in select European cities, including London, Milan, Rome, Berlin, Hamburg, and Copenhagen. Drawing on an ongoing study, it compares AMU with other European-based Shia educational institutions to assess the influence of key factors on Islamic education in Europe. These factors include the language of instruction, the size and demographic composition of local Shia communities, and the dynamics of Iran's relationship with host European societies. The analysis utilizes a robust dataset comprising in-depth interviews with students and teachers in Germany, the UK, Denmark, and Italy; participant observations of online and offline lessons; and a review of digital and printed materials from these institutions. By situating the findings within the theoretical frameworks of the sociology of education, diaspora studies, and transnationalism, this study offers valuable insights into how these variables shape educational practices and contribute to the sociocultural integration of Shia communities in Europe. | |
Rasmus Christian Elling (University of Copenhagen) - Tracing the history of Iranian diaspora politics in Denmark | This paper is part of a work in progress that addresses this question through an ethnographic focus on three cohorts of Iranian political activists in Denmark. With oral history interviews and digital analyses of media output (newsletters, radio programmes, social media content), I aim to advance our understanding of the development of diasporic publics and their entanglement with media affordances, geopolitical conflict and the specific trajectory of Iranian identity politics. Hence, the paper will raise points for debate on the concepts, theories and methods we employ to make sense of diaspora politics through the dual prism of transnationalization and digitization. | |
Ehsan Kashfi (University of Copenhagen) - Minority Within: Negotiating Space, Identity, and Belonging in the Iranian Azeri Diaspora | This study examines how Iranian Azeri minorities in Canada navigate their dual identities through their participation choices at the Edmonton Heritage Festival, specifically their decision to participate in the Republic of Azerbaijan pavilion rather than the Iran pavilion. Through qualitative research including semi-structured interviews with 20-25 participants, content analysis of festival materials, and video ethnography, the study examines three key aspects: how Iranian Azeris construct and express their identities in relation to both Iranian and Azeri identities; how Iranian nationalist discourses in the diaspora setting influence their sense of belonging and cultural representation choices; and how the multicultural Canadian context shapes these dynamics of identity expression and negotiation. This research aims to shed light on broader themes of identity negotiation in multicultural settings and resistance to hegemonic national identities, contributing to our understanding of how ethnic minorities in diaspora settings navigate complex identities through cultural participation and representation. | |
K. Soraya Batmanghelichi (University of Oslo) - Diasporic Tangled Webs: Iranian Women’s Activism, Incorporated | This presentation highlights the preliminary research findings illuminating the geopolitics of funding and how platforming impacts specifically Iranian women’s rights activism “abroad.” Based on interviews with Iranian feminist activists and women’s advocates who migrated and/or were exiled to primarily European capitals, this research seeks to unpack how they decipher, navigate, and negotiate their access to and reliance on funding schemes and media platforms financed by private donors and/or Western states and international organizations in Turkey, Sweden, Norway, the UK, Holland and the Czech Republic. Important in these interviews were the advocates’ reflections on constructing and achieving accountability, solidarity, and ethical responsibility, and crucially, processing if and how their advocacy might have changed given new organizational models and in these new contexts. As a whole, these cases speak to how transnational advocacy of diasporic political entrepreneurs becomes (dis)entangled with state and non-state actors whose diverse political agendas might contribute to the perpetuation of conflict with Iran; and how debates in the digital publics spanning diaspora and homeland reflect on this fundamental dilemma. | |
grupperom 7 | From the Nahda to Kuwaisiana: A Century of Middle Eastern Independent Music |
This panel discusses a century of Middle Eastern independent music. Invigild Tomren investigates how Sayyid Darwish and others used popular songs and poetry to create an influential counterculture during the Egyptian Nahḍa between 1918 and 1923. Douglas Mattsson also looks at music as a form of resistance by exploring how Turkish black metal bands utilize Islamic symbols of blaspheme to oppose Turkey’s current government. By contrast, Erling Sogge shows how Lebanese metal musicians create subcultures that integrate their work into their society while gradually expanding the boundaries for cultural expression. Sean Foley and +Aziz, a Kuwaiti-American musician and co-founder of the multiethnic band Kuwaisiana, discuss Kuwaiti and American independent music and how musicians market and monetize their work. These papers, which draw on interviews and field research, show how independent music serves as a critical framework for understanding the Middle East and the place of music in today’s world. |
Chair: Sean Foley (Middle Tennesse State University) | ||
Ingvild Tomren (University of Oslo) - Counterculture and pop songs in the Egyptian Nahḍa | This paper presents a countercultural outlook on the Egyptian Nahḍa through the lens of popular songs. It explores the works of famous artist and composer Sayyid Darwish and his poet collaborators between 1918 and 1923. Originally composed for the Cairene vaudeville and musical theatre, the artists’ songs soon spilled out of the theatre halls and into the urban streets, as well as the countryside. Many were produced largely in dialogue with the street in a time of social, political, and economic turmoil, especially during the anti-colonial uprising in 1919. Some were also recorded and represent the early era of the ṭaqṭūqa genre, a period marked by an exceptionally unrestricted thematic scope in Egyptian ‘pop’ songs (Lagrange 2009). Using music and poems (lyrics) as an access point, the paper discusses Darwish’s songs as an early example of independent music in Egypt and as forming what can be labeled a counterculture. |
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Douglas Mattsson (Södertörn University) - The Multiple Functions of Blasphemy in Turkish Black Metal | Black metal, one of the most extreme sub-genre of metal music, is famous for its brutal, multimodal and blasphemous expression in lyrics, imagery, and music. However, since black metal is born out of a Christian cultural context, the use of Islamic semiotics in an anti-Islamic way, has, until now, been a rare phenomenon. Based on extensive fieldwork (2016–2022), including interviews with producers and participants in the Turkish black metal scene, this paper explores the various functions the use of Islamic semiotic resources acquires in the Turkish context, and for Turkish black metal bands. It will argue that it becomes a significant trait in order to partake in the global black metal milieu, as well as serve as an expression of protest towards the current conservative ruling regime in Turkey. By highlighting these two dynamics, the paper aims to show the complexity and multidimensional aspects that influence the motivation to blaspheme. |
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Erling Lorentzen Sogge (University of Oslo) - Heavy metal as a subculture in Lebanon | The heavy metal scene in the Middle East is gaining momentum. This evolution is poorly understood by scholars. The fact that the music has managed to thrive in places characterized by authoritarian rule, conservative cultural norms, and limited public spaces has surprised many. This is also why researchers have often been tempted to liken metal in the Middle East to a “political movement” of sorts, locked in feud with totalitarian forces. This perspective overlooks a crucial point: subcultures, for the most part, do not seek to confront authoritarian regimes. They survive by finding a place to exist within them while slowly pushing the boundaries of what is deemed acceptable. With this in mind, this paper turns its attention to Lebanon. Based on preliminary fieldwork among leading artists in 2023, the paper asks how metal has been able to claim a space for itself within hostile sociopolitical surroundings. |
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Sean Foley (Middle Tennessee State University) and +Aziz - “The Future is made”: +Aziz and the New Musical Order—from Kuwait’s Diwaniyyahs to the Emerald City | This presentation examines the vibrant music scene linking Kuwait and the world through +Aziz, a musician and first-generation Kuwaiti immigrant to America. It will show how he has integrated the Khaleeji dialect and musical traditions found in his nation’s Diwaniyyahs with world music via Kuwaisiana—the band that he started in New Orleans, Louisiana. Now based in Seattle, the Emerald City, +Aziz partners with his Mormon and Palestinian bandmates to voice the angst of Arabs at social alienation, xenophobia, and bureaucratic negligence. He also calls for the upholding of human rights in Kuwait and Palestine, unity in America, and a better future for all. Addressing nepotism in Was6a, he sings: They say the future is made when we annihilate Stereotypes of our people. Together, Sean Foley, an authority on Gulf culture, and +Aziz will discuss his work, use of technology to monetize music, and collaborations with global musicians, including Israelis. |
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10:30-10:45 | Break | |
10:45-12:15 | Panels 5 | |
Aud 1 | V(V)ines from Terroir to Table in the Middle East and North Africa: Exploring the Intersections of Geography, Economy, and Culture (Session I) | |
Chair: Christian Steiner | ||
Steffen Wippel (German Institute for Global and Area Studies, GIGA. Institute for Middle East Studies, IMES & Philipps-Universität Marburg) and Nessim Znaien (Philipps Universität Marburg) - A Short Introduction: Old and New Research on Viti- and Viniculture in the Middle East and North Africa | ||
Peter Heine ( Humboldt University in Berlin) - On the History of Viticulture in the Middle East and North-Africa | Viticulture has a long history in the region. A winegrower in the famous Lebanese city of Baalbek told the German magazine ‘Der Spiegel’ (47/2024) recently, that in Lebanon wine-growing has a history of at least 5,000 years. The tradition of viticulture was not interrupted by the arrival of Islam. There is a long tradition in medieval Arabic literature on winegrowing and the consumption of wine. Arab geographers give information on regions with great vineyards, not only in Mesopotamia or Greater Syria, but also in North Africa and Andalusia. Arabic specialists of agriculture were writing about the quality of soil for vines, the ways of irrigation and water supply, the combination with other trees and other plants like beans, lentils or pumpkin, fertilization, etc., and of course the vintage. All this can help to understand, why and how vine yards have been a tradition in the region until today. |
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Aud 2 | Green Transitions on the Arabian Peninsula: State Visions, Local Dynamics, and Global Ambitions |
This panel explores how green energy transitions intersect with state-building and socio-political dynamics in both resource-rich and conflict-affected contexts focusing on the Arabian Penisula. Drawing on examples such as NEOM, the Saudi Green Initiative, and Yemen’s solar energy expansion, the papers explore green energy as a tool for rethinking traditional power structures and envisioning transformative futures. The panel highlights the interplay between state authority, external interventions, and infrastructure politics, revealing how energy transitions reshape political, social, and environmental landscapes. At the same time, it critically assesses the paradoxes and challenges inherent in these transitions, particularly in the Arabian Peninsula, home to some of the world’s largest oil and gas producers. By analyzing these dynamics, the panel aims to shed light on broader struggles over sustainability, sovereignty, and the region’s evolving role in global energy transitions. |
Chair: Morten Valbjørn | ||
Martin Hvidt (University of Southern Denmark) - Green Transition in Oil-Rich Gulf Countries: A State-Centric Perspective | The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries have only recently begun to adopt green transition strategies, facing significant challenges along the way. These nations exhibit some of the highest per capita CO2 emissions globally, driven by energy-intensive lifestyles and urban development reliant on cheap energy. Simultaneously, they are among the world’s largest producers of oil and gas, creating a unique dynamic in their pursuit of sustainability. This presentation examines the technological and political dimensions of the green transition in GCC states, characterized by a techno-optimistic and state-centric model rooted in the principles of the allocation state. It will also critically analyze their current efforts to reorient hydrocarbon production toward green and blue hydrogen, assessing the feasibility and implications of these initiatives within the broader context of global energy transitions. | |
Fannie Agerschou-Madsen (Roskilde University/ Danish Institute for International Studies, DIIS) - Financing the Future: Saudi Arabia’s Dual Strategy in the Green Energy Transition | This paper examines the role of the green transition in Saudi Arabia’s economic diversification process, focusing on the NEOM megaproject as a case study and imagined as a materialization of that strategy. Under the framework of Vision 2030, Saudi Arabia has sought to reposition itself as a global leader in the green transition, emphasizing investments in renewable energy, sustainable technologies, and eco-friendly infrastructure. However, a paradox emerges as the oil industry continues to serve as a financial backbone for these initiatives, raising accusations of "greenwashing" from journalists, politicians, and scholars. NEOM, envisioned as a futuristic, sustainable city in northern Saudi Arabia, embodies these tensions. The analysis is based on data from official policy documents and project plans, an official exhibition about NEOM in Riyadh and interviews, and explores how NEOM is imagined as a model for green transformation and explores the interplay between green energy investments, economic diversification under Vision 2030, and the Saudi state’s nationalist narrative of "balanced" transition. | |
Sune Haugbølle (Roskilde University) - Greening the Desert: Energy and Future in the Saudi Green Initiative | The Saudi Green Initiative was launched in 2021 to combine all sustainability efforts in the country to rapidly scale up its climate action as part of the Vision 2030 plan. This paper focuses on a key element in the SGI, how to ‘green the desert’ and reforesting and rewilding large areas of arid land. In recent critical scholarship, reforestation has been linked to colonial practices of altering the natural landscape and forced removal of indigenous populations. By analyzing the micro-practices involved in these large-scale efforts, with a particular focus on Neom Nature where an area the size of Belgium adjacent to the urban developments in Neom is currently being replanted, the paper asks which ideas of energy, future, nature and undergird the projects. Who is driving the project ideologically and practically, and what are their links to broader theoretical debates about rewilding, ecology and technology? What kind of modernity do they envision for Saudi Arabia and the world, and how do these visions sit with the environment that is actually being (re)made? | |
Maria-Louise Clausen (Danish Institute for International Studies, DIIS) - Energizing states: Donor-Led Energy Transition and State Dynamics in Yemen |
Since 2015, solar energy infrastructure in Yemen has grown from negligible levels to powering up to 50 percent of rural and 70 percent of urban households. This paper examines how conflict shapes the introduction of renewable energy, focusing on the role of international donors and the implications for the Yemeni state. Building on scholarship that links renewable energy transitions to conflict dynamics, the paper analyzes how donor-driven renewable energy initiatives influence state structures in conflict-affected settings. Specifically, what role does the Yemeni state play in the transition to renewable energy, and how does this intersect with theories of statebuilding and critical infrastructure? Does the introduction of renewable energy mitigate or escalate conflict at local level, and how do donor visions align with the realities of the socio-political and economic environments being (re)shaped? The paper explores how the localized impacts of renewable energy initiatives influence community dynamics, reshape power hierarchies, and interact with pre-existing social and institutional structures. | |
underv-rom 1 | Roundtable: What can we learn from reading literature? | The classical concept of mimesis—literature as an imitation of the real world—often falls short of capturing the complexities of literary production and reception. While structuralists emphasize the autonomy of literature as a system of signs, critifcal theorists embed it within social and economic contexts, often prioritizing politically engaged readings. Yet, literature’s relationship to reality and the knowledge it offers remains an open question. Societal fragmentation, driven by natural catastrophes, wars, and economic pressures, has created a disintegrated global system of diverse identities. These identities often coexist in fragile togetherness, shaped by stereotypes and misconceptions. Moving from the Nahda to contemporary works, this roundtable explores the knowledge Arabic literature conveys and investigates the limitations of interpreting different genres of Arabic literary heritage through the lens of mimesis. |
Chair: Stephan Guth | ||
Adéla Provazníková (Charles University) | ||
Antonio Pacifico (Université Jean Moulin Lyon 3, France, in cotutorship with Università di Napoli "L'Orientale") | ||
Bushra Hashem (University of Oslo) | ||
Giulia Aiello (University of Bologna) | ||
Safinaz Saad (Otto-Friedrich-University of Bamberg) | ||
Burcu Karahan (Stanford University) | ||
underv-rom 2 | ROUNDTABLE: Teaching Arabic as a second or foreign languages in the Era of AI | In recent years, we have witnessed the rapid development of artificial intelligence (AI) across various areas of our lives, including education. Large language models (LLMs) and generative AI tools are being released at an unprecedented pace, offering new resources and learning opportunities for both language teachers and students while at the same time raising ethical and pedagogical dilemmas/concerns. These technologies assist educators in creating instructional materials and assessments, while providing students with interactive and varied activities that facilitate second language acquisition efficiently and effectively, making language learning more accessible and convenient, but at the same time confronts learners and educators with questions of data privacy and algorithmic bias. During this roundtable, Arabic as a Foreign Language instructors from Scandinavian universities will share their experiences and perspectives on generative AI tools that they have experimented with, both inside and outside the classroom. Following their presentations, panelists will discuss the future of Arabic as a second or foreign language and how it may develop in the AI era and gain a deeper understanding of both the benefits and challenges of AI in language learning. |
Chair: Carla El Khoury | ||
Ulla Prien (University of Copenhagen) | ||
June Dahy (University of Copenhagen) | ||
Kræn Kielsgaard Hansen (University of Copenhagen) | ||
Erling Lorentzen Sogge (University of Oslo) | ||
Zehad Mohamed Sabry (University of Oslo) | ||
Ludmila Ivanova Torlakova (University of Bergen) | ||
Directly after the roundtable there will be a meeting of the Network of Arabic Teachers in the Nordic Countries in Seminar room 3, Sophus Bugge house |
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underv-rom 3 | Middle Eastern Diasporas in the Nordics | |
Chair: Emine Neval (University of Helsinki) | ||
Ali Bedir (Mardin Artuklu University) - Norwegian Turks | In this study, which focuses on Turkish individuals who, on the one hand, are trying to adapt to the conditions of the society in which they live and, on the other hand, want to maintain the habitus they have brought with them from the past, the situation that Benedict Anderson refers to as "distant nationalism", in an attempt to read it through Norwegian Turkish society, 15 men who are the congregation of three mosques affiliated to the Turkish Religious Affairs of Turkey are interviewed in depth. This study explores the identity experiences of Turkish individuals navigating the cultural duality of being both Norwegian and Turkish. Through a socio-cultural lens, it examines how Turkish immigrants and their descendants reconcile their sense of belonging, heritage and cultural practices within the Norwegian social framework. The research highlights the challenges of preserving Turkish identity while adapting to Norwegian social norms, including language, traditions and values. It also explores the intergenerational dynamics that shape identity, such as the role of family, community and external societal perceptions. The findings highlight the fluidity and hybridity of identity, showing how individuals create a unique sense of self that bridges two cultural landscapes. Ultimately, this paper contributes to broader debates about migration, multiculturalism and the evolving nature of ethnic identity in transnational contexts. | |
Lejla Sunagic (Lund University) – Syrian refugees in Europe: Trade-off between existential and physical mobility |
As the Mediterranean Sea has been recognised as the deadliest migration route in the world, ongoing journeys raise questions about the risk perceptions held by refugees and other migrants who took the journey or planned to do so. Based on narrative interviews with Syrians in Sweden, this study delves into their post-factum reflections on the migration decision-making process. It examines how private risk perception, stemming from participants' experiences in the world, interferes with expert risk assessment based on universal calculative methods. Although the latter logic might not support the decision made by the participants, their choice had their own rationality, which was deemed reasonable given the circumstances. However, the decision deemed reasonable was insufficient to alleviate anxiety in the face of risks with potentially deadly outcomes. Therefore, participants drew on both material and non-material strategies to comprehend and manage risk. In particular, this study demonstrates the interplay between mundane and spiritual risk-management strategies. It showed that spirituality was neither a last resort on which migrants unquestionably relied nor a blinding force that hindered their rational reflection techniques. Rather, spirituality is embedded in rational cognitive practice. The latter forms the basis for migration decisions, while spirituality has an auxiliary function. |
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Alice Al Maleh (Lund University) – Futural orientations and diasporic becomingsamong Syrians in Denmark | The fall of the Assad regime in December 2024, marks a seismic shift, not only for Syria and the region more broadly, but also for Syrian exiles. For many Syrians, hope and relief is accompanied by concern for Syria’s future, speculation about the regional implications and fear of being deported. Employing the future as an analytical lens, this paper explores how affective futural orientations are entangled with diasporic subjectivities, practices and communities among Syrians in Denmark. Over the past two decades, anthropological theory of the future has offered insights on how affective futural orientations like hope, anticipation, fear and anxiety orient people in their everyday lives as well as in times of crisis. Based on ethnographic fieldwork, including narrative interviews, digital ethnography and participant observation, this paper unpacks how such orientations unfold in a transnational milieu among Syrians in Denmark. | |
Fanny Christou (Swedish Institute of International Affairs) – The Plural Mosaic of the Palestinian and Kurdish Diasporas’ Mobilization in Sweden | The Palestinian and Kurdish tortured histories of oppression and struggles for self-determination share several common features. Despite the similarities, the Palestinian and Kurdish diasporas who found refuge in Sweden since the 1960s are not homogeneous groups. Their experiences in / from the Middle East and the geopolitical shifts in the Swedish arena may fuel the fragmentation of these stateless diasporas, due to divergent political leanings, allegiances and belongings. These dynamics may also trigger contradictory rifts in practices of mobilisation and diasporic competition. However, there is an urgent need to critically engage with these approaches that contribute to feeding securitised narratives about diasporas. The comparative analysis of Palestinian and Kurdish migratory trajectories and stories of resistance in exile can help to decolonize the field of diaspora studies. Based on ethnographic fieldwork among the Palestinian and Kurdish diasporas in Sweden, this paper discusses these tensions, navigating the theoretical approaches of diasporas politics. |
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Emine Neval (University of Helsinki) - The Evolution of the Abilik System in the Hizmet Movement Post-2016: A Case Study of Finland | The Hizmet Movement was founded as a religious community in 1966 by Fethullah Gülen and became a transnational Islamic movement with a presence in over 160 countries. Following an alleged coup attempt in Turkey in 2016, the movement was accused of being a terrorist organization. Consequently, its focus shifted from Turkey to the diaspora. This presentation shows findings from three-year ethnographic research in Finland on the evolution of the Abilik (brotherhood) system, which shaped the movement’s authority and hierarchy. The thematically analyzed data shows that as the Abilik system has changed significantly, the movement’s centralized authority has diminished, and localization and individual decision-making have gained importance. This change is due to the decrease in trust in the abilik system due to the events of 2016 and after. Moreover, Gülen is no longer seen as the central decision maker. This study contributes to understanding the authority shifts in Islamic movements during periods of forced migration. | |
grupperom 1 |
The Cultural Politics of Saudi Nationalism |
The rising nationalism in Saudi Arabia has produced an avalanche of commentary and scholarship, trying to decipher the state strategies behind this overhaul of Saudi identity that replaces longstanding transnational sympathies with a nationalist paradigm. Indeed, the Saudi state invests vast resources in this ongoing nation-building project, curbing the so-called “religious police”, re-writing school curricula and introducing a new “Founding Day” to marginalize religious forces from Saudi historiography. And yet, the literature implies the existence of a clearly defined state strategy that finely tuned bureaucracies seamlessly implement. But is this assumption of an all-powerful state that can dominate society as it pleases a reasonable to understand Saudi Arabia and its cultural institutions and initiatives? Instead, this panel is attuned to the paradoxes and tensions that arise from the reforms of bureaucracies and cultural institutions, juxtaposing official orthodoxy and plurality of grassroots ideas. It takes the role of Saudi societal actors seriously to shed light on the influence of grassroots intellectual production on the ongoing national identity project. |
Chair: Andrew Leber (Tulane University) | ||
Kristin Diwan (AGSIW) - A Picture of Saudi Arabia's New Nationalism through its Visual Arts |
As the Saudi leadership has looked to present a new image of its youthful Kingdom before the world, its visual artists have been front and center. In high profile diplomatic visits, international arts biennales, and new tourist sites and public spaces, Saudi artists and their production have served as an avatar of a new Saudi Arabia: tech-savvy, creative, cosmopolitan. This use of artists in public diplomacy has been a well-funded element of Saudi Arabia's cultural transformation and more nationalist projection. This has entailed a cataloguing of home talent, a reorientation of existing educational and royal initiatives towards creative fields, and the standing up of a new Ministry of Culture, with visual arts as one of its commissions. But it has also entailed a negotiation and co-optation of the existing visual arts field that existed prior to King Salman's reign. This paper will explore more closely this negotiation, being attentive to the role played by private galleries and regional arts initiatives. It will also look to the creative output of the artists themselves; how their work presents a more complex picture of the head-spinning social changes being experienced by Saudis, and offers questions about Saudi Arabia's national identity. |
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Sultan Alamer (Harvard University) - Debating “Constitutional Monarchy” in Saudi Arabia |
In 2011, more than 20,000 Saudis from a wide range of political views signed a petition calling for a transition to a constitutional monarchy. This was the culmination of a decade- long constitutional movement that witnessed its demise in 2017. During this period (1995- 2017), Saudi constitutionalists produced many articles, petitions, and books making the case that constitutional monarchy is more conforming to Islam than absolute monarchy and the best political system for Saudis to achieve durability, happiness, prosperity, and freedom. Their intellectual activism provoked two sets of anti-democratic pushback. The first was from Islamists, who argued that democracy cannot be reconciled with Islam, and the second was from liberals, who thought democracy in a backward society would lead to a tyranny of the majority. This paper revisits these lively and understudied debates about constitutional monarchy in Saudi Arabia. It aims to make two contributions. First, it will retrieve and contextualize this critical moment in the intellectual history of Saudi Arabia. Second, it will argue that even though the movement failed to achieve its goal of constitutional monarchy, many of its arguments and counterarguments regarding law and institutional change were its lasting legacy. | |
Mohammed Alsudairi (The Australian National University) - Thought Security in Saudi Arabia |
Within the Saudi context, “thought security” (al-amn al-fikri) refers to state-led securitization and management of the cultural/ideational sphere, with the purposed aim of protecting it from internal and external threats which, if not effectively counteracted, could result in the proliferation of “thought deviancy” (al-inhiraf al-fikri) and, by extension, bring about dangerous political, social, or economic consequences for state and society. Conventional views narrowly treat thought security as part of the repertoire of instruments used by the Saudi state in its confrontation with militant jihadist organizations in 2000s, and on that has, with their successful suppression by the early 2010s, fallen into gradual dis-use. The paper offers an alternative reading, highlighting thought security’s century-long genealogy on the one hand, and its expanded utilization through a wide number of newly founded thought security institutions on the other. In highlighting these aspects, the paper argues that thought security is best understood as an important facet of Saudi statecraft, and one that has been durably applied, notwithstanding slight changes to its vocabulary, across different ideological moments from the 1960s to the present. By focusing on this concept, insights about the configuration and threat perceptions of the Saudi state are brought to the fore, allowing in turn for a more accurate understanding of its political calculations and processes. |
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Bruno Schmidt-Feuerheerd (University of Cambridge) - The grassroots origins of Saudi nationalism |
The grassroots origins of Saudi nationalism What are the historical foundations of the rising Saudi nationalism? While most observers claim that the ongoing Saudi national identity project is a mere post-2015 state creation of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, this chapter argues that, first, the foundations of Saudi nationalism go back at least to the 1970s. Second, the chapter demonstrates that nationalist arguments were mostly developed by nationalist cultural entrepreneurs rather than state bureaucrats. And while Saudi cultural nationalists advanced nationalist writings throughout the 1980s they failed to spread Saudi nationalist thought beyond a committed niche of writers and authors. Saudi nationalist thought was only popularized by the early 2000s. Empirically, this paper presents findings from extensive fieldwork in Saudi Arabia (2021-22), drawing on archival work of cultural magazines, interviews with muthaqqafyn, and original material from Saudi online forums. Thereby, this chapter contributes to our understanding how Saudi nationalist thought has been developed over time, enabling the state to selectively amplify cultural, nationalist, and anti-Islamist discourses and narratives that today are the cultural bedrock of his legitimation claims. | |
grupperom 7 | Conflict, Armed Groups, and Governance in Syria | |
Chair: Tiina Hyyppä (University of Helsinki) | ||
Marie Kortam (Ifpo) – Shaping Rebel Behavior of Non-State Armed Groups in Northern Syria | This paper attempts to study the change in the organization of non-state armed groups in Syria. I explore the different phases of this organization ranging from violence to non-violence. More specifically, this research aspires to answer the following questions: How did the organization enter violence and exit violence? what process has the non-state armed group followed to change its use of violence against civilians? What kind of intervention resulted in reframing and checking the incompatibilities? what solutions are proposed for a peaceful settlement? Have the negotiations resulted in a credible probability of a peaceful settlement? Are peaceful settlement guarantees in place? Did the armed group seem to reduce its repertoire of violence? Is there evidence of a reduction in levels of violence? Have visible and documented efforts been made to end violence against civilians? Indeed, several armed Islamist movements have shown signs of significant changes throughout history in behavior and ideology in favor of non-violence. What is the case of Tahrir -alsham group? |
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Ali Hamdan - Spatial Imaginaries of Autonomy in Postwar Syria | State-building movements in the postcolonial Middle East have by and large advocated for centralized, unitary states as a means of countering external vulnerability, underdevelopment, or separatist threats. The state’s performance of a muscular, absolute sovereignty in this context has thus represented a key effort to cultivate compliance from citizens, if not outright consent. In post-Assad Syria, similar dreams animate the vision of transitional president Ahmed al-Sharaa despite many noteworthy contradictions. Specifically, the state has come to perform the boundary between state-non-state actors in ways that privilege some social forces while problematizing others, raising fears that an overt Sunni Arab chauvinism is gripping the country. Drawing on statements and secondary resources, this paper will examine how Syria’s wartime-to-postwar government articulates and performs the problem of autonomy in Syrian politics, with attention to how it has addressed tribal confederations, Druze armed groups, and the Syrian Democratic Forces. It argues that al-Sharaa’s state-building project is not as animated by sectarianism or ethnic chauvinism as might appear at first glance. Rather, it reflects a long-abiding (and contradictory) preference in the region for viewing calls for territorial autonomy as a threat despite cultivating networked autonomy as a strategy of governance. By examining the spatial imaginaries through which the post-war Syrian state performs the categories of center and periphery, we can better understand discrepancies in how the transitional government governs the complex social landscape in between. | |
Tiina Hyyppä (University of Helsinki) – Civil governance. Local councils in the Syrian war | Rebel governance research has shown how non-state armed groups organize societies during wartime. Some cooperate with civilians, giving them tasks as part of wartime governance. Earlier research has, nevertheless, neglected wartime order created by civilians. This paper places civilians as subjects instead of objects and theorizes on wartime governance created by civilians through the case of the Syrian civil war. In there, as the peaceful uprising was turning into a civil war, civilians mobilized and created local councils to govern opposition areas and to provide basic services. The months-long transition to civil war raised a generation of activists who mobilized parallel to rebels. To create and maintain civil governance these activists used their earlier experiences on nonviolent activism and pre-existing and new social ties. Since then, most of the councils have ceased to exist, but by analyzing them we gain new information of wartime order and civilian agency during conflicts. | |
Ahmad Alali - Personal Narrative of Torture in Syrian Prisons: A Survivor’s Experience and the Broader Implications for Society and the Future | At 16, I was arrested in Syria for asking the wrong questions at a school-sponsored political oath ceremony. I spent nearly a year in detention, enduring severe physical and psychological torture in some of the world’s most notorious prisons. Four of those months were in total isolation, confined to an underground cell where my only connection to life was a small spider. This presentation explores how political imprisonment leaves deep psychological scars, not just on individuals but on entire communities. Survivors struggle to reintegrate into societies that cannot fully grasp their experiences, while their families bear the weight of their suffering. Through personal narratives, my forthcoming book, and interviews with other survivors, I examine the lasting impact of torture and displacement. How can survivors reclaim their identities? How will the excruciating fracture between tormentors and the tormented in Syria and the diaspora be reconciled? More than just recounting trauma, this presentation will spark dialogue on collective healing. These are questions that remain largely unaddressed, despite the vast number of political detainees in the Middle East. |
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Orwa Ajjoub (Malmö University) - Understanding Radical Religious Rhetoric: How Sunni Jihadi Leaders Mobilize Support and Legitimize Intra-Jihadi Violence | In the last decade, political and personal disputes between and within Sunni jihadi groups—namely ISIS, Jabhat al-Nusra (JN), and al-Qaeda Central (AQC) in Syria—have argubly to an irremediable rupture within Sunni jihadism. Despite shared religious foundations and scriptural prohibitions on Muslim bloodshed, these groups engaged in prolonged conflict. Drawing on Social Movement Studies and collective action frames, this study examines twenty-five documents (public statements, announcements, theological publications) from January to June 2014 to understand how leaders and independent ideologues legitimized intra-jihadi violence. While JN and independent ideologues mainly invoked religious frames, ISIS oscillated between religious and political frames. This highlights the groups’ multifaceted nature as both deeply ideological and strategically adaptable, offering insights into their discursive strategies to maintain legitimacy, authority, and mobilization amidst escalating violence and rivalry. | |
12:15-13:15 | Lunch break | |
13:15-14:45 | Panels 6 | |
Aud 1 | ROUNDTABLE: Down-to-Earth: Environmental Labor and Care in the Middle East and North Africa | This roundtable, which is part of the “Feeling the Heat” project at UiO, aims to explore people’s concerns about climate-related threats and their care for the environment in the proximity of political and economic disruptions in the Middle East. We will discuss environmental knowledge and expressions of labor and care impacted by climate, and human dedication to vegetations. These displays of food-producing, recuperation of water, garbage disposal and recycling, urban reshaping, often through ornamental vegetation can manifest in various localities such as cities, countryside, deserts, delta regions, private or public gardens, plots, pots, or rooftops. These practices are invented, transmitted through generations, narrated through oral storytelling or in the historical press, represented in literary works, comics and films produced in the Middle East. We will draw on original empirical studies from multiple locations in the region, both historical and contemporary, to raise questions such as: how do people manifest care for the natural world in their everyday lives? How does environmental care contribute to societal connectivities and human/non-human mobilities? How are these affective relations narrated in art-making, films and literature? Do spiritual teachings influence everyday relations to the environment? The roundtable also aims to develop an interdisciplinary framework to apply a “down-to-earth” approach to Environmental Humanities in the region, one that considers the “everyday” and “ordinary subjects”. |
Chair: Nefissa Naguib | ||
Ersilia Francesca (University of Naples, l'Orientale) | ||
Teresa Pepe (University of Oslo | ||
Lucia Carminati (University of Oslo) | ||
Marita Lindberg Furehaug (University of Oslo) | ||
Aud 2 | Artificial Intelligence and Security | |
Chair: Scott Bursey (Florida State University) | ||
Arash Beidollahkhani (University of Manchester) – From Surveillance to Suppression: AI’s Role in Middle Eastern Authoritarianism | This paper investigates the strategic adoption of artificial intelligence (AI) by authoritarian regimes in the Middle East, focusing on its implications for governance, civil liberties, and regional security. Through an interdisciplinary analysis, it examines how AI-driven tools—including facial recognition, predictive policing, and digital censorship—are transforming surveillance into a comprehensive apparatus of suppression. Case studies from Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) illustrate the dual-edged nature of AI technologies: while they fortify state control by preemptively identifying and neutralizing dissent, they also provoke countermeasures from activists and international scrutiny. Specific examples include Iran’s deployment of facial recognition during the 2022 #MahsaAmini protests, Saudi Arabia’s integration of AI in Vision 2030’s governance model, and the UAE’s "Safe City" initiatives, which incorporate predictive analytics for crime prevention. The paper situates these developments within the global export of AI surveillance technologies, particularly from China, highlighting their geopolitical and ethical ramifications. By contextualizing these trends within broader theories of authoritarian resilience and digital governance, the study contributes to an understanding of AI as a pivotal force in reshaping political and security dynamics in non-democratic regimes. | |
Muhammad Arshad Zia (Ghouisa Muslim Society) - Artificial Intelligence and Middle Eastern Governance: Opportunities and Risks in a Changing World Order | The increasing integration of artificial intelligence (AI) in the governance systems creates unique challenges and opportunities for the Middle East. This research explores the role of AI as a tool and strategy for the economic development as well as a potential instrument of authoritarianism. The case studies from Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states and North African nations, the study highlight how AI-driven technologies reshape public administration, citizen engagement, surveillance. Moreover, it explores the geopolitical implications of Arab states partnering with global AI leaders like China. This thing creates questions about sovereignty and ethical governance. With the analysis of socio-political ramifications of these developments, the study explores the region's complex technological advancements in the current shifts of global power dynamics. | |
underv-rom 1 | ||
V(V)ines from Terroir to Table in the Middle East and North Africa: Exploring the Intersections of Geography, Economy, and Culture (Session III) | ||
Chair: Christian Steiner | ||
Nessim Znaien (Philipps Universität Marburg) - Drinking under the Bombs: Wine Distillation and Political Power in Tripoli (Libya) in 1942 | In autumn 1942, at the heart of the Second World War, Libya, officially under Italian colonisation, was the scene of a fierce battle between the Axis forces led by Rommel and the Allied forces of Montgomery. And yet, despite the confused political situation, the Acorguerra General Commissariat opened files allowing distillation from wine lees to be granted to a few merchants after investigation. What was the stake of continuing to try to control this production, when the colonised land has largely become uncontrollable? What was the profile of the individuals who obtained authorisation and what role exactly did the administration play? The answers to these questions provide an insight into the way colonial state functioned in wartime, and the stakes, through the production chain for wine and strong spirits, the population consumption in time of crisis. | |
Steffen Wippel (German Institute for Global and Area Studies, GIGA/Institute for Middle East Studies, Hamburg/ Philipps-Universität Marburg) - An Exploration Attempt Ending at Closed Doors: Invisibilisation and Dissociation in the North African Wine Industry | Winemaking in North African countries has sparked new interest in recent decades despite difficult economic, political, and socio-cultural circumstances. When trying to visit several wineries in Tunisia on a weekend in 2022, none of them was open to the public. Furthermore, they were protected by hermetically sealed iron gates, surrounded by high walls, and concealing their business orientation. To understand this phenomenon, this presentation refers to anthropological work on contemporary alcohol consumption in the Maghreb, which points to strategies of “invisibilisation” in the face of legal, religious, and social reservations. In particular, it draws on sociological and geographical research on strategies of qualification in “markets of singularities,” which also involve conscious “dissociations” that avoid any negative connotations. These approaches have been applied to the wine business in other parts of the world, but are here linked to its political and cultural specificities in North Africa. | |
Katharina Lange (Leibniz-Zentrum Moderner Orient) - Ambivalent Grape-scapes: Accounts of Grape Cultivation and Marketing in Afrin, Syria | In Syria's Afrin region, the cultivation of grapes is historically and socially deeply embedded. Domestically or marketed, wine leaves are used in local cuisine, while grapes are consumed as fresh fruit, or processed into juice, molasses, sweetmeats, or raisins. In addition, they could be sold to wine or arraq factories to be processes into alcohol. The grapevines’ multiplicity of affordances gives way to different, ambivalent, and sometimes contradictory valuations: potential profits from processing grapes into alcohol are weighed against the moral and spiritual peril arising from religious prohibitions. The prioritization of specific uses also affects the choice of cultivar, as specific sorts are better suited for wine-leaves harvesting, while other cultivars offer more desirable grapes. Drawing from oral histories about the recent past, the paper investigates how Afrin’s moral and material grape-scapes have been affected by these contrasting valuations. | |
underv-rom 2 | Diaspora Identity and Politics | |
Chair: Gunvor Mejdell (University of Oslo) | ||
Hossam Sultan (Linköping University) – Imaginaries of the Future Home Among the Palestinian Diaspora in Germany | This paper presents an anthropological inquiry into the home among Palestinians living in Germany. Based on ethnographic fieldwork for my PhD project, it examines imaginaries of the future home in a state of ‘permanent temporariness.’ Situated in Berlin, Palestinian identity and solidarity face policing and repression, and homes become sites of interwoven meaning and temporalities. The paper presents how the realities of being in a permanent state of temporariness in hostile socio-political circumstances impact the perceptions and meaning of home. The ethnographic findings suggest a fluid and temporal relationship between the present socio-political circumstances and an imagined future home. Temporal orientations such as hope, anticipation, and speculation are established in the field of the anthropology of the future (Bryant 2019). I suggest that ‘imagination’ is another orientation that frames the Palestinians' understanding of the bayt (home) and the watan (homeland). This temporal orientation is interwoven in memory and ideas about the future. |
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Liina Mustonen (University of Helsinki) - (Re-)negotiating belonging: Arab minorities in Berlin | Previously deemed a hub for Arab culture, Berlin has seen individuals with family connections to the Arab Middle East increasingly alienated since October 2023. The policing of pro-Palestinian solidarity by various state institutions after October 7, 2023, on one hand, and the calls for the repatriation of Syrians since November 8, 2024, on the other, have had a tremendous impact on the lives of many Berlin residents with family ties to the Middle East. This paper contrasts state policies and discourses with those of the affected individuals. It examines how Arab migrants apply their ‘diasporic resources’ and respond to discourses of exclusion, adapt, and/or insist on belonging. The paper aims to understand if and how belonging is (re)negotiated in a hostile political environment. | |
Bouchra Mossmann – Global Crises, Northern Solidarities: Northern Muslims and Gaza Solidarity | This paper examines how global crises, such as the war in Gaza and the climate crisis, shape the lived experiences of Northern Muslim communities at the local level. Drawing on data from field visits in Whitehorse (Yukon), Inuvik (Northwest Territories), and Yellowknife (Northwest Territories) between November 2023 and October 2024, I argue that the unique social and political context of Canada’s North influences how Northern Canadian Muslims engage with global issues. Solidarity between Inuit, First Nations, and Muslims—united by shared experiences of settler-colonialist oppression—creates a distinctive space for open dialogue not possible elsewhere. Finally, the paper includes a comparative analysis of the situation for Muslims in other northern countries—particularly Scandinavia—offering broader insights into the intersection of local and global struggles for justice. The study is part of a broader research project on the lived experiences of Northern Muslim individuals and communities. | |
Lovisa Schau (Gothenburg University) - Transnational screens: Egyptian Ramadan-TV-serials, audiences and masculinities | This paper will present preliminary findings from my PhD project on Arabic-speaking audiences of Egyptian Ramadan-TV-serials and their reflections on different representations of masculinities. As Ramadan-TV-serials still make up the biggest portion of the over-all produced TV-serials in Egypt, my project investigates the consumption and reception of Ramadan-TV serials among audiences in Sweden and Egypt. Audiences’ perspectives have been slightly neglected in the research on Arabic TV-serials in general and especially on the Swedish diasporic context. Simultaneously, the project especially focusses on aspects of masculinities, which is additionally under-researched in relation to Egyptian TV-serials, thus aiming to contribute to Islamic Studies with new theoretical as well as empirical insights. Using selected scenes with different depictions of masculinities from two Egyptian Ramadan-TV-serials during individual or group interviews, the project aims to investigate how Arabic-speaking audiences in Sweden interpret and relate different depictions of masculinities to their own identity, Egyptian pop culture, and their transnational experiences. |
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underv-rom 3 | Authoritarian Civil Society | |
Chair: Bruno-Schmidt Feuerheerd (University of Cambridge) | ||
Maria Josua (GIGA) – Taking Audiences of Authoritarian Discourses Seriously: Justifications of Repression and Their Reception in the Arab Uprisings | This paper studies both the senders and the audiences of official discourses during the Arab uprisings in Tunisia and Morocco in 2010-2011. It analyzes the speeches by high officials aimed at justifying state repression and how different audiences responded, differentiating between the domestic and international levels. The different responses towards the rhetoric strategies in the two countries influenced the dynamics of protests leading to divergent outcomes, paving the way for the short-lived democratic transition in Tunisia, and autocratic regime renewal in Morocco. This qualitative study is based on original fieldwork in Tunisia, Morocco, and Brussels, as well as document and frame analysis. It contributes to research on comparative authoritarianism, political violence, and the international dimensions of external support for authoritarian governments. The paper adds another piece to the puzzle of support for authoritarian rule and furthers our understanding of state-society relations in Morocco and Tunisia more generally. |
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Adam Almqvist (Lund University) – Minding Others’ Business: Regime-Organized Civic Activism and Youth Governance in Jordan | Following Egypt’s World Youth Forum and the UAE’s Ministry of Community Development, Jordan has begun recruiting youth in civic activism programs. Why do Arab autocracies promote civic engagement? Drawing on fieldwork in Jordan, I show that regime-organized civic activism helps youth get unstuck and overcome the despair linked to unemployment and economic precarity, yielding what I term “agentive acquiescence” by opening new terrains of agency, such as community volunteering and social entrepreneurship. Yet, agentive acquiescence is a tenuous form of compliance which invites transgressions and does not establish legitimacy for the regime. In addition to elucidating regime-organized civic activism, this paper challenges the prevailing belief that authoritarian regimes prefer demobilized populations. Instead, regimes are wary of quiescence, which preceded the explosive rise of radicalism during the Arab Uprisings, and they favor controlled mobilization strategies, such as civic activism. |
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Fatima Dhanani (SOAS) – Pluralism in Action: Civil Society as a Pillar of Governance in Lebanon | This paper examines the role of civil society institutions in sustaining democratic governance in Lebanon, a context marked by the coexistence of diverse minority communities – including Christian Maronites, Sunni and Shia Muslims – and the challenges of sectarian fragmentation. Drawing on my ethnographic research with civil society groups, my paper argues that these institutions serve as critical intermediaries between state and society, leveraging interfaith dialogue and historical-religious frameworks and traditions to foster pluralism. Civil society organisations in Lebanon not only hold governing bodies accountable but also work to bridge divides by embedding cosmopolitan ethics within religious and cultural traditions. By centering pluralism, they address entrenched inequalities and promote governance models that transcend sectarianism. In doing so, they offer an alternative vision of governance rooted in inclusivity and resilience, particularly amidst the pressures of a volatile global order. |
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Lars Berger (Federal University of Administrative Sciences, Berlin/Germany) – Democratic Commitment and the Limits of Authoritarian Soft Power: Evidence from Arab Public Opinion | Political and academic discussions about the prospects of political change in the Arab world toward more accountable political systems often reflect on what such change might mean for regional security considering the ensuing domestic political manoeuvring and outbidding by Islamist and other political actors. In addition, the Russian invasion of Ukraine and the global rise of China, including its increased diplomatic and economic footprint in the MENA region, stimulated a debate about the continued relevance of liberal soft power and the possible existence of anti-liberal, authoritarian soft power. Against this background, this paper explores the extent to which public opinion across the Arab world views external actors as well as their policies toward the region based on individual preferences for democracy or alternative political systems. |
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grupperom 1 | Current Gulf Politics | |
Chair: Andrew Leber (Tulane University) | ||
James Worrall (University of Leeds) – Making Ourselves Useful: Understanding Omani Engagement in Yemen Since 2011 | Oman's regional role as an 'Interlocutor State' (Worrall, 2021) is perhaps at its most active in Yemen, yet in the midst of the internationalised conflict engulfing the country there remains no systematic examination of the Omani role as mediator, facilitator or fixer in Yemen. No mapping of its links and engagements, little detail on the meetings it has convened, and only brief comment on the ways in which Muscat has navigated the conflict whilst remaining engaged with all sides. This is, in part, testament to Oman's 'quiet diplomacy' which has made their role less visible but when numerous senior diplomats publicly praise the Omani role in Yemen the lack of a systematic examination of the Omani role in the country seems like a significant gap in the literature, this is the gap this paper aims to fill. | |
Matthew Hedges (Independent Researcher)– Data is the New Oil: UAE Techno-Statecraft | The United Arab Emirates (UAE) is emerging as a global power in information communications and technology I(ICT). It aims to be a “world leader in AI by 2031” and is directing a large portion of its investments into these fields. The UAE is employing these solutions across its economy while also deploying these to support foreign investments, manufacturing interdependence and elevating the UAE’s international standing. As a result, it is influencing the evolution of ICT supply chains. The shift to a multipolar world order has complicated the UAE’s ambitions as the strategic nature of technology is driving tensions between China and the US. The primary objective is to analyse how the UAE has incorporated ICT into its long-term development strategy. This will answer why the UAE has identified ICT as a strategic domain, and compare how this influenced domestic and foreign investments. |
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Tore Petersen (NTNU) and Clive Jones (Durham University)– "Please stop beating our national": Britain, the Gulf Monarchies and the incarceration of UK nationals | Hostage-taking has become a distressing feature of international politics over the last two decades, associated either with terrorist groups or hostile state actors, such as Iran, willing to engage in hostage diplomacy for political and security advantage. By contrast, the incarceration of foreign nationals by friendly powers has received scant attention. This is the hidden dimension of hostage diplomacy. By examining the case of British nationals held in prisons across the Gulf monarchies, but with a particular focus on Saudi Arabia, we argue that such prisoners were, in effect, hostages themselves, subject to the pursuit of national interests (commercial, economic and strategic) that denied their human rights and wider political agency. They became in effect, hostages to fortunes. | |
grupperom 7 | Colonialism and its Legacy I | |
Chair: Tiina Hyyppä (Helsinki University) | ||
Rand Saleh (University of Toronto) – Contextualizing the Mosul and Kirkuk Massacres in British Mandated Iraq | This paper examines the 1923 and 1924 massacres in Mosul and Kirkuk, carried out by the Assyrian Levies—a branch of British imperial troops—as pivotal yet understudied episodes of colonially-sanctioned violence in Iraq. Situating these events within the framework of British colonial military practices and the racialized hierarchies of the mandate system, the study interrogates their enduring repercussions on intercommunal dynamics and Iraqi societal perceptions of the Assyrian Christian minority. Drawing on Iraqi archival sources and contemporary accounts, this research foregrounds a topic marginalized in Western historiographies, emphasizing the profound impact of these events on local Iraqi victims and their lasting imprint on collective memory. By addressing how these massacres shaped regional tensions and their echoes in subsequent acts of violence, this paper illuminates how post-colonial communities grapple with the afterlives of imperial violence and contested spaces of memory, contributing to broader discussions on the legacies of empire in the Middle East. | |
Mattia Serra (Geneva Graduate Institute) - Everyday Acts of Partition: Bordering Palestine and Lebanon during the Mandates Period | Historians of the Middle East have only recently started to scrutinise the material and juridical dimensions of the borders imposed on the region after WWI. Building on extensive research in British, French and Israeli archives, this paper analyses the consequences of the partition for the upper Galilee, a region that had long functioned as a socio-economic unity, suddenly dissected by the border separating Palestine from Lebanon and Syria. On the one hand, this contribution explores what I conceptualise as everyday acts of partition: the material and administrative changes the border imposed on the region and its population. On the other, it explores the ways in which local actors engaged with the border – from daily acts of resistance to forms of compliance with state regulations. It does so by looking at the agency of rebels, farmers, smugglers, and others, aiming at writing a history of the border that unsilences their experiences. | |
Louis Fishman (Brooklyn College) - The Looming Shadow of the Post-Ottoman Middle East | In the aftermath of World War One, a whole series of states emerged in regions of Ottoman Anatolia and the Ottoman Arab provinces. From the Turkish Republic, established in 1923, to the founding of the Arab states of Syria, Iraq, and Lebanon under the British and French, all of these states succeeded in raising new generations as proud citizens, yet they failed in creating inclusive citizenships. This, too, would include Israel. In fact, the two peoples who were written out of this post-World War One order, Kurds and Palestinians, struggle until today for national recognition. This paper will focus on the interconnectedness of the history of ethnic cleansing and exclusive identities of the Middle East, which has left a region in shambles, with each of these countries searching for a way to create viable states from unviable entities. | |
14:45-15:00 | Break | |
15:00-16:30 | Keynote 2: Bjørn Olav Utvik, University of Oslo: Islamism as key to understanding the Middle East (auditorium 1) | |
16:30-16:45 | Break | |
16:45-18:15 | Panels 7 | |
Aud 1 | Women’s Activism | |
Chair: K. Soraya Batmanghelichi (University of Oslo) | ||
Hasan Karakilinc (University of Iceland) – “Not Your Turkish Delight”: Feminist Punk Counter-Spaces and Resistance in Türkiye | This paper explores the emergence and evolution of Turkish feminist punk as a subcultural scene that challenges both patriarchal norms within Türkiye’s socio-political landscape and the broader punk scene. Rooted in the DIY ethos of global punk culture, Turkish feminist punk uniquely intersects with the nation’s gender struggles, authoritarian politics, and cultural conservatism. Drawing on critical feminist theory and subcultural studies, this research examines the music, zines, and practices of pioneering and contemporary bands and collectives. It highlights how Turkish feminist punk claims heterotopian counter-spaces to confront gendered violence and foster solidarity across feminist and LGBTQ+ communities. Through an analysis of discourses and performativity, the paper situates Turkish feminist punk as a form of resistance and cultural production, amplifying marginalized voices while negotiating local and global influences. | |
Shima Tadrisi (Kadir Has University) – From Resistance at Homes to Struggle in the Streets: “Ordinary Women” in the Iranian Women’s Movement | The death of Mahsa (Jina) Amini in police custody on September 16, 2022, sparked one of the most significant uprisings against the Islamic Republic of Iran, the impact of which continues to reverberate today. This research will explore how existing social movement theories fail to adequately address the role of “ordinary women” in the Iranian women’s movement. In particular, Asef Bayat’s non-movement theory is critiqued for its lack of a gendered perspective. Data for this study will be drawn from secondary sources, autoethnography, and semi-structured interviews with women who participated in the Women, Life, Freedom movement protests. The analysis will employ feminist grounded theory. To date, much of the literature on the Iranian women’s movement has focused on well-known feminist figures. This research seeks to fill the gap by highlighting the contributions of ordinary women to the movement. | |
Mahdi Tourage (King's University College) - The Ayatollah and I: Iranian Women Poets Reading Their Erotic Poems for the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic | This paper is an examination of the erotic desires that emerge in annual poetry readings by women poets in the presence of the country's Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei. Using desire as a hermeneutical tool I will argue that these highly eroticized poems open discursive pathways towards pleasure, creativity and agency in ways that counter the dominant feminist narratives of “emancipatory agency” that overvalues overt acts of resistance and defiance, especially in spaces of exile. These annual events are not transgressive, yet the desire staged in these poetry reading sessions surpasses the regime’s designs for domination and strict control. Historicizing the complexities of the female poets’ conformity to the literary conventions of Persian poetry and the ideological norms of the Islamic Republic, demonstrate the instability of concepts such as “emancipation,” “resistance,” “agency” and “conformity.” The same complexities also warrant questioning the status of exile as the paramount space of feminist interventions or authentic literary production. | |
Aud 2 | Environmental and Ecological Challenges | |
Chair: Albrecht Hofheinz (University of Oslo) | ||
Moustapha Itani (University of Helsinki) - Adaptive Communities, Complex Governance: Pastoralism at the Crossroads of Ecology and Rural Politics in Lebanon | Media narratives and academic research often overlook rural complexities, prioritizing urban social realities. This research examines the interplay of governance and socio-political dynamics, showcasing how pastoral communities navigate ecological variability and economic hardship amidst broader transformations. Focusing on a Key Biodiversity Area, I characterized and mapped pastoral governance, revealing a diverse landscape. Pastoral governance in this region manifests as both simple and complex mosaics. Hierarchical clan-mediated systems (‘Daman/Samsar’) and private property rentals have adapted to the state's administrative presence, while independent sovereign commons (‘Rabh'hum’) often conflict with local authorities. Sectarian land-use patterns align with residential geographies rather than being driven by explicit governance mechanisms, challenging urban-focused narratives of sectarianism. These rural "sectarian spaces" reveal a deeply interconnected socio-economic fabric that transcends assumed political divides. Where resident political leadership and conservation initiatives pursue pro-nature agendas, outdated environmental policies—blaming pastoralism for degradation and deforestation—have disrupted transhumance and intensified competition over shrinking pastures. | |
Tilde Rosmer (Zayed University) - Teaching Sustainability: Environmental Education in the United Arab Emirates | One of the key factors in creating preparedness for a sustainable society and changing the mindsets towards conservation is the educational system (Carlsson & Jensen 2006; UNESCO, 2016). The European Network for Environmental Citizenship (ENEC) put forward the concept of Education for Environmental Citizenship (EEC) defined as “the type of Education which promotes Environmental Citizenship”. It is only recently that scholars have begun to assess in detail how sustainability is evidenced in educational textbooks (Biström & Lundstorm, 2020) and how education can help promote environmental citizenship (Hadjichambis et al., 2020). Consequently, there is still a shortage of studies that evidence the specifics of education in the making of youth into environmental citizens and this is especially true for the Middle East, and for the GCC in particular. Based on ongoing research of the national curriculmn in the United Arab Emirates, this paper presents a contextualised study of environmental education in the UAE. | |
Laura Wickström (Åbo Akademi University) – Ecocide as Nonviolent Environmental Activism in Climate Justice and Governance in the Mediterranean |
Climate and environmental justice are ubiquitous terms in global climate governance today. The “ecocide” -movement is an apt example of nonviolent environmental activism that aims to make ecocide a fifth crime in the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC). The Mediterranean is a geographical area where people are affected by a faster warming than the global average. Climate activists in the Mediterranean region have pointed out that existing concepts that appear to offer solutions to climate change actually reproduce and legitimize existing inequalities. Based on ethnographic research in the region, this paper argues that the environmental movement, such as the ecocide, is gaining ground in the Mediterranean but also faces major challenges. | |
Idunn Lüllau Holthe (University of Oslo) – Reviving Ruins: Abandonment, Sustainability, and Mudbrick Architecture in the Red Sea Region |
With Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030 emphasizing sustainability and cultural heritage, the abandoned Old Town of al-’Ulā is being transformed from ruins into a tourist attraction. The traditional vernacular architecture of the mudbrick houses, abandoned decades ago, has regained relevance. Among the reconstruction teams are Egyptian workers, many of whom still reside in mudbrick houses in Upper Egypt (Ṣa‘īd). However, in Egypt, these houses are rapidly being replaced by concrete and red brick houses. Although recognized for their qualities of keeping good temperatures and being locally produced, the survival of the mudbrick houses is also at threat due to environmental factors. This paper, based on ethnography from both al-’Ulā and the Ṣa‘īd, explores how and for whom heritage is constructed. What is it about abandonment that ignites the imagination of heritage, and how is the shifting focus on sustainability altering heritage discourses across the Red Sea? | |
underv-rom 1 | East of the Middle East | |
Chair: Brynjar Lia (University of Oslo) | ||
Mohammed Afzaal (Shanghai International Studies University) & Shiekh Osama Tariq (Roots University) – Saudi-China Relation Mirrored in Saudi Diplomatic Discourse: A KeyATM-based Analysis | This study investigated the Saudi diplomatic discourse with Keyword Assisted Topic Modelling and BERTopic Modelling assisted with post-hoc keyword attribution to explore China’s perception and their key relations. The initiatives that China has embarked on the China- Middle East Relationship is manifold, from political relationships, economic initiatives to military posture, etc. The corpus of the study comprises all the news and documents in public affairs column extracted from The Embassy of Kingdom of Saudi Arabia(https://saudiembassy.net/) from 2010 to 2024. The results reveal distinct prominent keyword topics, underscoring the focus of discrete dimensions in China-Saudi relation reflected in Saudi discourse. In particular, Saudi Press Releases and Newsletter extensively discuss the China-Saudi economic ties while the press release and newsletters focus specifically on the diplomatic relations. | |
Mojtaba Mahdavi (University of Alberta) – Middle East Looks to the East? Sino-Middle East Relations in a ‘Multiplex World’ | This paper explores the dynamics of Sino-Middle East relations in a “multiplex world,” where both the U.S. and Middle East states have embraced “Look East” policies for distinct reasons. The U.S. shift toward the Far East is shaped by intensifying geopolitical competition with China, often framed as “Cold-War Two.” Meanwhile, the Middle East’s pivot is driven by a need to diversify partnerships, with China emerging as a key alternative. Three pillars define this evolving relationship. First, China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) integrates energy, trade, investment, and arms deals, strengthening its foothold in the region. Second, Beijing’s non-interventionist policy maintains political stability, facilitating uninterrupted cooperation. Finally, the "Chinese Model of Development" offers Middle Eastern states a governance template, though it raises critical questions. Does it entrench autocratic capitalism and neoliberalism without democracy, or can it support inclusive development and democracy? This study critically assesses these intersections from a “civil society perspective”, highlighting a region in flux. |
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underv-rom 2 | State and Governance | |
Chair: Bruno Schmidt-Feuerheerd (University of Cambridge) | ||
Karim El Taki and Kaoutar Ghilani (University of Groningen & University of Cambridge) – Rethinking State and Regime in the MENA | This paper presents the introduction to a forthcoming special issue in Middle East Critique examining the conceptual confusion surrounding 'state' and 'regime' in Middle East and North Africa scholarship. We argue that terms such as 'deep state,' 'authoritarian state,' or 'police state,' commonly deployed to refer to configurations of institutional and power relations, fundamentally blur the boundaries between state and regime. Similarly, regional concepts like 'al-makhzan,' 'le pouvoir,' and 'al-sulṭa' reproduce this conceptual ambiguity. Rather than dismissing this conflation as simply a flaw, the special issue interrogates its origins, mechanisms of reproduction, and ramifications. Drawing from both academic scholarship and political discourse, we map how this conceptual confusion has shaped understanding of power in the region, while exploring its implications for both scholarship and pedagogy. We argue that unpacking this conflation is crucial for attributing political agency and responsibility in analyzing MENA politics. | |
Andrew Leber (Tulane University) – Audible Accountability? Podcasting and Saudi Vision 2030 | Why have dozens of Saudi officials appeared in lengthy podcast episodes, answering detailed questions about policymaking? The podcast Socrates, under host Omar Al-Jureisi, has sought to “document the achievements” of Saudi Vision 2030 since at least 2019, with guests reaching the highest ranks of Saudi officialdom. I argue that the podcast provides the performance of accountability for mass audiences, seeking to defuse potential concerns about Vision 2030 projects while projecting an image of responsible governance within the monarchy. Quantitative metrics on viewership demonstrate a meaningful audience for episodes, particularly when guests are close to power (i.e. Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman). Guests in turn face critical questioning as a stand-in for public accountability, although mainly to permit them to explain “the Vision” to a supposedly uninformed public. This demonstrates MENA-region autocracies leveraging of new media platforms to justify their rule before new audiences. | |
Faris Al-Sulayman (London School of Economics) – Super Autonomy and the Emergence of an SOE-led Development Model in the Arab Gulf States | Over the past two decades, Sovereign Wealth Funds (SWFs) in the Arab Gulf states have transitioned from their conventional roles of fiscal stabilization and savings to serving as instruments of domestic economic development and transformation. This shift has been marked by the establishment of hundreds of state-owned enterprises (SOEs), representing a novel iteration of the region’s rentier development model. Diverging from the neoliberal emphasis on private sector-led growth, states such as Saudi Arabia and the UAE have pursued a model reliant on an entrepreneurial state capitalism (ESC). This paper utilizes a novel dataset of domestic SOEs across all the states to analyse the structural characteristics and political determinants of this model. The findings suggest that variations in state autonomy, generational leadership transitions, and political consolidation following the Arab Uprisings underpin the differential adoption of this model. These dynamics have significant implications for development trajectories, as well as state power and state-society relations. | |
Anton K. Marcussen (Copenhagen University) - Outside-in pressures on Jordan’s political reform process: The acute permeability of Jordan’s domestic sphere in a time of regional and global flux | Jordan is undergoing an extensive reform process. Officially, the reforms aim to transform Jordan’s political life: by reforming the electoral system, by granting political parties unprecedented centrality in institutional politics, and by making parliament a meaningful participant in governance - all within a ten-year period (2022-2032). Whether this ultimately heralds a genuine democratic transition is doubtful. Meanwhile, Jordan’s domestic sphere is acutely permeable and susceptible to outside-in factors that are likely to affect the depth and shape of reform implementation. Two recent examples of areas where international dynamics substantially affect Jordan’s domestic sphere are Israel’s genocidal war in Gaza, which has further securitized Palestine-related political expressions, and the Muslim Brotherhood’s 2024 electoral victory. This paper will build on months of field research in Jordan, where I am investigating Jordan’s transforming political field, and will seek to examine how outside-in factors affect the implementation of political reform in Jordan. |
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underv-rom 3 | Palestine/Israel Conflict | |
Chair: Þórir Jónsson Hraundal (University of Iceland) | ||
Konstantinos Papastathis (Aristotle University of Thessaloniki) – Land, Law, and Religion: Property Administration in the Jerusalem Church | This article examines the administration of religious property within the Jerusalem Orthodox Church, focusing on vakf land estates amid the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It offers a historical overview of the church’s property portfolio and its role in the Palestinian question. The study evaluates Jordanian law 27/1958, which governs internal church operations and relations with state authorities, highlighting its implementation and advantages. It underscores the legal complexities surrounding Jerusalem’s Old City, particularly the Israeli judiciary's exclusive recognition of the patriarch’s authority in validating contracts. Additionally, the article critiques the framework of religious imperialism upheld by the Greek clerical establishment, which marginalizes the indigenous Palestinian laity and excludes them from land administration. By addressing these challenges, the study sheds light on the current dynamics of property management within the Orthodox Church of Jerusalem and calls for meaningful reforms. | |
Kensuke Yamamoto (University of Shizuoka) – Annexation in Its Final Phase? Israel’s Policy Shift on Palestinian School Curricula in East Jerusalem | This paper examines recent Israeli efforts to impose state-approved curricula on Palestinian schools in East Jerusalem. Long reliant on Palestinian Authority curricula, these schools now face mounting pressure tied to budget allocations, prioritizing Israeli narratives and Hebrew language education. While such policies have been widely criticized, the drivers behind Israel's intensified focus on educational reforms since the late 2010s remain underexplored. This paper argues that these Israeli policy developments reflect Israel’s rightward political shift and strategic expansion into spheres deeply tied to Palestinian identity, forming part of broader efforts to complete the "Judaization" of a unified Jerusalem. It highlights how education serves as a key instrument in advancing political goals, reshaping the city's socio-cultural fabric. The urgency of understanding this transformation has grown amid the post-October 7 crackdown, where Palestinian expressions of national identity in Jerusalem face increasing restrictions under the guise of "counterterrorism." | |
Hannu Juusola (University of Helsinki) and Antti Tarvainen (University of Helsinki) - Reviewing literature on Israel/Palestine and the question of 'Israeli democracy': liberal, settler colonial, and a global view | This papers looks into different strands of literature that seek to define the political system of Israel and Israel/Palestine. We first engage with political science literature, especially from Israel, and look at the justifications given for defining Israel as some variety of democracy. After this, we move towards more relational perspectives by analysing the settler colonial literature and its emphasis on looking at the political system of Israel in its de facto geographies of occupation and apartheid, and the trans-local map of other settler political systems. Finally, we apply a global, connected sociological perspective to analyse the normative and geopolitical power in defining Israel as a ‘western democracy’ and unpack the Eurocentric founding mythology behind this view. The paper shows what kind of blindspots and additional value each analysed literature carries, and argue for a move from narrowly technical towards more relational, colonially informed understanding of democracy in Israel/Palestine. |
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Samer Shehata (University of Oklahoma) and Ahmed Morsy (Middle East Council on Global Affairs) - The impact of Israel’s war on Gaza on Egypt’s domestic and international politics and economy | This paper examines the impact of Israel’s war on Gaza on Egypt’s domestic and international politics and economy. Palestine has always been a domestic political issue in Egypt and not merely a “foreign policy” concern. Despite this and the staggering devastation of Palestinian life and infrastructure in Gaza, the current war has not generated widespread or visible political protest in Egypt, unlike previous Israeli wars. It has, however, produced the worst crisis in Egyptian-Israeli relations since the 1979 Egyptian-Israeli peace treaty. Tensions between Cairo and Tel Aviv have not translated into deteriorating relations between Washington and Cairo. We analyze the 2023 Gaza war’s impact on Egypt’s domestic politics and economy and Egyptian-Israeli and Egyptian-US relations through interviews with current and former Egyptian and American officials and Egyptian civil society actors, and a range of primary and secondary Arabic and English sources, including media reports and government statements, in the context of Egypt’s already tottering economy and increased political repression. | |
grupperom 1 | Refugees, Camps, and the Governance of Displacement | |
Chair: Lucia Carminati (University of Oslo) | ||
Bayan Arouri (Tampere Peace Research Institute) - Beyond the Development Lens: Ethnographic Insights into Refugee Women's Social Practices in Camps | Women’s empowerment and resilience discourse within refugee camps contexts is usually perceived to be run through the development sector represented by (I)NGOs and their expertise from the North (Koch 2020, Grosfoguel 2011; Mignolo 2002). Hence, women`s efforts are rendered invisible and marginalized. Instead, this paper draws on mundane social practices that refugee women (pre)form in refugee camps in Jordan. The paper discusses those social practices emerging from women’s lived realities that are not usually considered indicators of agency when examined through a development framework based on a neoliberal ethos. I look into Syrian refugee women's experiences to explore how these practices were used to make their lives more functional (de Certeau 1984), enhancing their existence and everyday viability (Bourdieu 1977; Hage 1996; Jackson 2005) and cultivating everyday resistance (Scott 1987). Analyzing these practices uncovers the colonial perspective with its reductionist views that keep victimizing refugee women and fails to capture significant areas where the agency is rooted in refugee women’s experiences. This paper is part of a broader study I am conducting for my PhD, which builds on ethnographic methodologies and post-colonial feminist theories that locate the primary source of knowledge in the experiences of marginalized groups (Haraway, 2002). The primary research data was collected during six months of fieldwork over two years in the Azraq and Emirati-Jordanian camps. | |
Maja Janmyr (University of Oslo) – Transit Beirut: UNHCR and the Covert Resettlement of Armenians during the Cold War | A ‘most extraordinary’ resettlement operation took place in the 1950s and 1960s. Thousands of Armenians from Bulgaria and Romania were systematically and discreetly resettled to the United States – through Lebanon. How and why did this small Levantine country become so central in this scheme, and through it, in implementing US refugee policy during the Cold War? And what was the role of UNHCR and the broader refugee regime in this resettlement process? Through an archives-based legal historical study of the Armenian resettlement scheme, I demonstrate how Lebanon surfaced as a site of striking developments within the global refugee regime. At a crucial time of UNHCR expansion, the scheme not only enabled UNHCR to solidify its presence in the country, but also helped to inform ideas of Lebanon as a country of transit rather than asylum. | |
Lovise Aalen (Chr. Michelsens Institute, CMI) and Adam Babekir (Gedarif University) - 'When Refuge is Home: Sudan’s war-affected IDPs in Gedarif State, Eastern Sudan | This paper examines the economic, social, and cultural impacts of the influx of internally displaced persons (IDPs) into Gedarif State, Eastern Sudan, following the outbreak of civil war in mid-April 2023. The conflict has resulted in nearly 11 million people being displaced within Sudan and over 3.1 million seeking refuge in neighboring countries. Gedarif, with a population of approximately 2.3 million, has welcomed over 1 million IDPs, placing significant strain on local infrastructure, housing, and social dynamics. This study employs qualitative methods, including face-to-face interviews and observations, to thoroughly investigate these impacts. It explores both the coping strategies of the internally displaced and the host communities’ reactions to the influx of refugees. This research contributes to the broader literature on forced migration by highlighting the intricate interplay of economic, social, and cultural factors within the displacement crisis. It underscores the urgent need for comprehensive and well-funded humanitarian interventions that address both immediate relief and long-term solutions, advocating for strategies that equitably balance the needs of displaced populations and host communities. | |
Omar Sayfo (Utrecht University) - Irregular Migration on Arab Screens | Due to a lack of physical security, economic hardships, and other factors, hundreds of thousands of people have found their way from the MENA region to Europe over the past decade. Irregular migration, or the aspiration for it, has become a generational experience in countries like Syria, Tunisia, and others, affecting a significant portion of families. It is no surprise that this theme has also captured the attention of the region's filmmakers and television creators. Since the late 2010s, numerous films and TV dramas have featured irregular migration as either a central or secondary storyline. To what extent can producers, operating in media systems often characterized by political patronage and (self-)censorship, openly address such a sensitive issue? How much must they conform to the official narratives of the ruling governments? This presentation compares Syrian, Egyptian, and Tunisian productions to explore the narratives through which irregular migration is portrayed. |
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grupperom 7 | Political and Social Transformations in the Gulf States II | |
Chair: Mari Norbakk (Chr. MIchelsens Institute) | ||
Anke Reichenbach (Zayed University Dubai) - Cosmopolitan Appetites: Young Emiratis’ Engagement with Culinary Difference | Restaurants, dining districts or food halls have often been described as “contact zones” (Pratt 1992) where diverse cultures meet and particular forms of sociability might emerge. Drawing on recent approaches in urban food studies that emphasize the links between embodied cosmopolitanism, culinary place-making, and the senses, this paper explores young Emiratis’ everyday practices of dining out in Dubai’s multicultural gastronomic landscape. It analyzes Emiratis’ motivations for engaging with culinary difference, and the kinds of sociability established through eating out. Beyond one-dimensional notions of “eating the Other”, the paper argues that young Emiratis employ the gastronomic experiences available in the city as both “a boundary and a bridge” (Guzmen-Carmeli 2020) in processes of identity construction and claims to urban space. Through the consumption of particular foreign cuisines at select venues, they simultaneously articulate cosmopolitan aspirations and exclusions. | |
William Gueraiche (Abrahamic Family House) – Interfaith, Tolerance, and Coexistence in the GCC Countries | Relations between religious communities in the GCC states are long-term but are often telescoped by one-off events that are short-term. If the Gulf States are a centre, it is not hermetic to the peripheries. What happens in the rest of the Arab and Muslim world affects them. The invasion of Iraq in 2003 had the unintended effect of reviving interfaith dialogue. From the Amman Message in 2004 to the Document on Human Fraternity signed in 2019, religious leaders have tried to make their contribution to peace with the interfaith dialogue. At the same time, each state has addressed the conditions for domestic peaceful coexistence by developing public policies based on tolerance. In doing so, revived . What have these efforts been and what are the tangible results? The issues of local origins, sources, successes and obstacles encountered will be discussed. | |
Lili De Paola (University of Helsinki) - Assembling national subjects: Femininities, capitalism, and politics of history and future in Saudi Arabia under Vision 2030 (NSMES MA-Thesis Award Winner) | ||
19:30-23:00 | Party at Dattera til Hagen bar (Grønland district, downtown) | |
Day Three | Saturday 27 September | |
09:00-10:30 | Panels 8 | |
Aud 1 | Digitization and the future of archival work | |
Chair: Prof. Jacob Høigilt | ||
Albrecht Hofheinz (University of Oslo) - # From Sudan to UNESCO: Leveraging ATR and AI to Analyze the Hofheinz Manuscript Collection | This presentation gives an update on ongoing work applying automatic text recognition (ATR) and artificial intelligence to analyze the Hofheinz Collection, a unique corpus of over 600 manuscript pages from 18th-20th century Sudan deposited with the Bergen Sudan Collection. This work is an important step in preparing the nomination of the Sudan Collection for the UNESCO World Heritage List. Beyond that, the case demonstrates that even imperfect ATR output can effectively support AI-powered content analysis and summarization, significantly reducing the time needed to identify relevant materials for in-depth textual scholarship. Given the constraints of limited human resources and the time-consuming nature of traditional ATR pre-training, this methodology proves particularly valuable for processing large Arabic manuscript collections. | |
Ingrid Austveg Evans (Freie Universität Berlin) – The Digital Future of Arabic Manuscripts: Ethics, Methods, and Actors | The textual branches of Middle Eastern Studies have embraced the enhanced research opportunities opened up by the ever-expanding field of digital humanities. However, the ethical and methodological questions raised by the circulation of digital reproductions of Arabic/Islamic manuscripts dating from the precolonial and colonial periods have hitherto constituted a marginal research concern. This presentation will address the intersection of colonial history, manuscript provenance, and researcher positionality in the field of Arabic-Islamic codicology by highlighting the diversity of actors engaged in institutionalized and non-institutionalized forms of digital file-sharing. Ultimately, I will present a few suggestions as to how the ongoing scholarly conversation on these practices can be broadened in the name of greater methodological transparency. | |
Eirik Kvindesland (University of Oxford) - Mapping silence: Using spreadsheet databases in historical research | How do historians organize large amounts of historical information and turn them into narratives? And how can we fill gaps in the “historical record”? This paper proposes one way to do so through simple data spreadsheets. It draws on research into Jewish history in the Persian Gulf, a long-lost and forgotten history. Firstly, I discuss the technical process of building a history database, and how to make historical information “fit” into it. This is a process of translation where both technical and epistemological questions intermingle. Secondly, I suggest ways of using spreadsheets as analytical tools, using them to fill gaps in historical knowledge. Finally, I show how structuring sources in a database can help in the crafting a historical narrative, while discussing some of the pitfalls of digitized and structured information. | |
Lucia Carminati (University of Oslo) - A Mono-Lingual Press in Polyglot Egypt: Stampa Migrante and the British Library Endangered Archives Program | Funded by the British Library during 2021-2022, my project "Stampa Migrante: Periodicals of the Italian Community in Egypt, 1892-1940" (EAP1474) provides access to vital sources that illuminate the history of Egypt, the Mediterranean, and the Middle East in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. These sources, precariously preserved at the Italian Institute in Cairo, are distinguished by their continuity and consistency. Thanks to the preservation efforts and accessibility initiatives of the British Library, this collection presents opportunities to challenge prevailing historiographical interpretations. For instance, it enables us to examine the internal divisions within Egypt's Italian community while also highlighting the connections among the diverse groups that comprised Egyptian society at the time. Although it is monolingual, the collection reveals a rich multilingual world. As other newspapers produced by immigrant communities in Egypt are becoming available online, it is especially important to reflect on "Migrant Press" and place it within the broader framework of the multifaceted Egyptian press and society of the time. | |
Anne K. Bang (University of Bergen) - East African manuscripts and books: What can a digital corpus tell us – and what can it not? | The Mprint digital corpus contains fully digitized manuscripts and early printed Arabic books from the Swahili coast, dating from the late 19th to the early 20th century. The collection stems from private archives and has been collected over the period 2021-2024. As the collection now goes online (September 2025), this preentation discusses several ways in which a digital corpus can respond to - and generate new - research questions and what limitations there are. In particular, this discusison will highlight the study of collection formation, variations in ideological and intellectual content and the processes taking place during the manuscript to print transition. It will also touch on the possibilities for in-depth studies of local variation in manuscript production and library formation. | |
Aud 2 | Impossible Borders: Levantine Imaginaries, Memories, and Publics | Israel’s war this past year has awakened transspatial and transtemporal imaginaries across the borders that divide Levantine states from each other. However, this phenomenon is not new. In this panel we look at the long durée of the border and transborder imaginaries that defy it. Bringing together scholars who study the Middle East from the disciplines of history, political sociology, media studies, and comparative literature, the presentations look across an archive that includes religious sites, social media, narrative and documentary film, and intellectual debates. Together the presentations show how even many decades after the introduction of heavily militarized, colonial borders following World War I, collective and individual commemorative practices continue to forge counter-memories of Levantine geography. |
Chair: Heba Taha (Lund University) | ||
Toufoul Abou-Hodeib (University of Oslo) - Of Prophets and Miracles: Sacred Imaginaries across Levantine Borders | Collective memories and individual histories surrounding religious sites in South Lebanon continue to reproduce connections, both mundane and supernatural, that defy the border between Israel and Lebanon. Folk religious practices and collective memories around shrines bring together celestial and mundane temporalities as well as the various religious layers that constitute the history of the region. Focusing on the Shia Muslim shrines of Benyamin (Mhaibib) and Shamoun (Shamaa), and bringing in other Druze and Christian holy sites in South Lebanon, I explore how despite a perpetual state of conflict, visitors, caretakers, and inhabitants continuously reproduce the landscape across the border between Lebanon and Israel as a multireligious, sacred space. | |
Ghenwa Hayek (University of Chicago) - Lebanese Cinema at the Border Crossing | A reading of three films, two shorts and one documentary feature, that take up the Lebanon-Palestine border. Carol Mansour’s Aida Returns (2023) depicts an ultimately successful collective attempt to cross the border with the ashes of Mansour’s mother Aida to scatter them in her birthplace in Yafa. By calling attention to its own processes, it highlights the near impossibility of this undertaking under the modern border regime imposed by Israel since 1948. Meanwhile, Roy Dib’s Mondial 2010 (2014) and Larissa Sansour and Youmna Chlala’s Trespass the Salt (2012) are short experimental films premised on the non-existence of that same border, and the banal relations that then become possible between Lebanese and Palestinians. In doing so, they sidestep Israel’s presence at the border altogether. | |
Sune Haugbølle (Roskilde University )- The Past as Common Ground? Arab Intellectual Debates in Times of Genocide | Israel’s war on Gaza and Lebanon followed by renewed fighting in Syria have provoked debates about common destiny and historical direction in the Levant. By reading into intellectual debate since October 2023 – from online magazines, newspapers, social media, and cultural production – this paper identifies some of the primary frames across national borders. One frame stresses the parallels between 2023 and earlier wars in 1967, 1973 and 1982. Another frame highlights resistance as a common experience and project, echoing official narratives of political and military actors, while others write more skeptically about liminality, unclarity, and limbo as a common historical experience between Syria, Lebanon, and Palestine. Which possible common futures emerge from this reengagement with the past? | |
Omar al-Ghazzi (London School of Economics) - Publics as borders: Mediated violence and history in the Levant | How are borders drawn, dismantled, and re-configured through political speech and media practices? In this paper, I propose conceiving the formation of publics through mediated and emotionally charged political interaction and terminology as a border making mechanism. Drawing on events witnessed in the Arab Levante in 2024, I investigate how publics quickly take shape and shift in interaction with fast and historic wars and political events from the Israeli genocidal war on Gaza, to its calamitous war on Lebanon, to the momentous toppling of the Assad regime in Syria. Considering the disorienting effects of mass violence, the paper traces shifting political publics in the Levante and the fissures that divide and unite people within and across Lebanon, Syria, and Palestine. | |
underv-rom 1 | V(V)ines from Terroir to Tablein the Middle East and North Africa: Exploring the Intersections of Geography, Economy, and Culture (Session II) | Although the Middle East and North Africa is considered to be the cradle of viticulture and winemaking has existed, in varying degrees, throughout all historical periods, it is now viewed as a delicate undertaking under the given political, economic, and socio-cultural circumstances. The aim of this panel is therefore to provide an overview of the state of research on regional vine/wine cultivation, regulation and consumption. Special attention is given to contributions on value chains, with a focus on measures that confer quality to products. The tensions between economic and commercial issues on the one hand, and political and religious issues on the other, in relation to wine in the MENA region are explored in particular, as well as territorial contexts and storytelling around grapes and wine. The panel includes fundamentally conceptual papers as well as detailed empirical studies, on past and present, and broad overviews from all relevant disciplines. |
Chair: Stephan Guth | ||
Markus Ritter (University of Vienna) - Visions of Vine in Abbasid Mosques | The use of grapevine imagery – vine trees, scrolls, leaves, grapes – in medieval Islamic art has been discussed to some extent for Umayyad architectural decoration in eighth-century Syria and Palestine. Their semantics have been tentatively placed in an Arabic and Islamic continuity with late antique religious and Dionysian iconography. Yet the striking use of grapevine imagery in Abbasid mosques further east and west has scarcely received attention. This paper shows how it transforms the space at the prayer niche, the mihrab, into the stunning vision of a vineyard or vine arbor. I focus on three major ninth- and tenth-century mosques, in Tunisia, Iran, and modern Afghanistan. While each case represents a specific artistic solution and may reflect local viticulture, the conceptual similarity across distances of geography and time argues for a common thought rather than local inspiration. I will seek such thought in the Qur’anic iconography of fruit, garden, and paradise. | |
Philippe Bourmaud (Université Jean Moulin/Institut Français d’Etudes Anatoliennes, IFEA) - Indigenous Vineyards, International Markets: Discourses on Wine and Commercial Network Building in the Ottoman Empire in the Revue Commerciale du Levant (1890-1922) | It is commonly understood that Ottoman wine, an expanding commodity in the years between the outbreak of phylloxera in Western Europe and the protectionist turn of Continental Europe in the early 1890s, was intended to develop as a substitute for low-income demand on European markets. Comments on Ottoman wine production in the Revue Commerciale du Levant, a publication of the French Board of Trade of Constantinople, tell a different story. The authors dwell on quality, wine titration and insertion in the global wine market. This paper will question the discursive constructions of taste and their claim, criticized by the recent calls for “decolonizing wine”, to expressing universal standards. What can we learn about indigenous tastes and their commonalities or variations in the depreciative assessments of the authors of the Revue? |
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Daniel Monterescu (European University) - Liquid Indigeneity, Terroir and Territory: Wine, Science and Colonial Politics in Israel/Palestine | Israel/Palestine is a site of bitter struggle over definitions of indigeneity and settlerness. In 2008 the first Palestinian “indigenous wine” was released, introducing a discourse of primordial place-based authenticity into the wine field. Today, winemakers, scientists, autochthonous grapes, and native wines reconfigure the field of gastronationalism. Palestinian and Israeli wine industries can now claim exclusive historical entitlement in a global era in which terroir, that is, the idiosyncratic place, shapes economic and cultural value. Against the dominance of “international varieties,” this indigenous turn in the wine world mobilizes genetics, enology, and ancient texts to rewrite the longue durée of the Israeli/Palestinian landscape. The appropriation of the indigenous grape illustrates the power of craft, and taste to reconfigure the human and nonhuman politics of settler colonialism. This paper illuminates the power of science to “reverse engineer” terroir in Israel/Palestine and beyond. | |
underv-rom 2 | Colonialism and its Legacy II | |
Chair: Ingvild Tomren (University of Oslo) | ||
Magnus Halsnes (University of Bergen) – Mapping a New Middle East: Imperial Desert Cartography in the Mandate Period | This paper explores the role of maps, mapping, and imperial cartography in creating borders in the desert periphery of the Middle East during the mandate period. The period saw an increased cartographic interest in, and systematic mapping of, the region, by imperial powers. One of the driving forces behind mapping the desert was the delimitation and demarcation of new borders. Large sections of these borders were placed in remote and inaccessible areas, and available topographical maps were initially inaccurate, creating both confusion and conflict. Maps were used and created by imperial powers to better control and geographically understand the desert regions, serving as sources of information and authority. Drawing on archive material and contemporary maps, this paper explores the relationship between maps, imperial cartographic surveys, and the creation of desert borders in the Middle East after the First World War. |
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Kesmat Taha Riyad Nassar (University of Oslo) - Freemasonry in Egypt (1890-1940): The liminality of Freemason lodges at the intersection of nationalism and imperialism | The Freemason presence in Egypt, starting with the French colonial campaign in 1798 and ending with a ban on all Freemason activities after the solidification of Nasser’s republic in the 1960s, almost perfectly frames the timeline of Western European colonization of Egypt and offers a window into interactions between a number of diverse and influential players. The focus of this research is on the period between the 1890s, that marked the beginning of Freemasonry’s most popular decades in Egypt, and the 1930s, that introduced a European brand of racist antisemitism that has latched onto anti-Freemason conspiracy theories ever since. At the time, the Freemason lodges in Egypt provided a liminal space for the men who joined them in Egypt that reflected the intersection of imperialist influences and nationalist aspirations and the broader socio-political changes in the country. This is a PhD project still in progress. |
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Ada Lucia Ferraresi (University of Seville) - Submarine Sovereignty in the Mediterranean: The Case of the Libyan Submarine Telegraph | This dissertation investigates submarine telegraphy in the late modern Mediterranean, focusing on a maritime region delimited by— but not limited to— Italy, Libya, and the Ottoman Eastern Mediterranean. I argue that submarine telegraphy was a critical driver of boundary-making technopolitics (Gieryn 1983) in the second half of the nineteenth century, leading to the establishment of competing (submarine) sovereignties in the Mediterranean. In turn, these emerging sovereignties facilitated the creation of (settler) colonies in this maritime region. While this is not the first work to analyse colonial technopolitics in the Mediterranean, it is the first to utilise a Science and Technology Studies (STS) approach to reassess the field of Mediterranean studies and bring it to the forefront of late modern (settler) colonial historiography. Additionally, this dissertation adopts an innovative archival approach that combines Arabic, Italian, Ottoman and British sources across multiple regions. | |
underv-rom 3 | ROUNDTABLE: Middle Eastern Refugees in Iceland: Reports on New Research | Compared to other Nordic countries, Iceland has a limited history of immigration. In recent years, however, there has been a dramatic increase of people resettling into the country especially from the Middle East. We are members of an inter-disciplinary research team that received a large grant from the Icelandic government to evaluate the experience of Syria and Iraqi resettlement refugees in Iceland who arrived between 2015-19. This is the first comprehensive assessment into the experience of these refugees that has some intriguing comparative aspects. This roundtable will report on our preliminary findings into different dimensions including well-being, language acquisition, education, Islamophobia, trust, and inclusion. Whereas some of the challenges the refugees have faced are universal, we have also seen how their specific identity and backgrounds has made it even more difficult to be fully accepted by the rest of Icelandic society. |
Chair: Magnús Bernhardsson | ||
Lara Wilhelmine Hoffman (University of Iceland) | ||
Gudbjorg Ottosdottir (University of Iceland) | ||
Eyrún María Rúnarsdóttir (University of Iceland) | ||
grupperom 1 | Evolving Political Dynamics | |
Chair: Christine Aster Crone (University of Copenhagen) | ||
Cyrus Roedel (Durham University) - Typology of the Arab Left | Despite a growing consensus that socio-economic grievances were the main driving factors behind the 2011 protests across the Arab world, the changes brought on by those protests did not benefit the Arab left. Why was the left not able to take advantage of this new, more favorable environment? I argue that academic approaches to the question have been insufficient, due to imprecise definitions and categories when discussing the left. Based on ethnographically informed interviews with current and former left wing party members in Tunisia, I have created a new typology of the left, one which takes the organizational differences between parties seriously. By seriously examining the different ways the left has responded to the constraints of the authoritarian system, I will explain why the different streams of the left faced limited paths after 2011, in a framework that can be extended across the Arab world. | |
Mohammed Othman (Freie Universität Berlin) – Beyond Nationalism: Societal Transformation and Ideological Competition | This paper examines the influence of rural-urban migration/displacement on the society in Iraqi Kurdistan, which sparked conflicts during the 1991 Uprising. Post-1991 is crucial to understand the Kurdish political experience in the region, and is researched through the nationalistic lens (David Mcdowall, 2021). Utilizing diaries and interviews of political figures, I construct a micro-history of the societal transformations in Kurdish society, where numerous ideologies were competing. My paper challenges the monolithic narrative claiming a homogenous Kurdish will to impose its political agency, rather suggests it as an effort to create new hegemony. Drawing the topology of different models, I argue that distinct ideological projects of state-building put effort into reorganizing the society, which led to fracturing identity. The innovation of the paper is to deconstruct the nationalistic narrative, and also to introduce a critical approach to the contemporary history of Kurds. | |
Carmen Fulcao (King’s College London) - Organizational and Mobilization Strategies in the Tunisian Youth Protest Movement (2021-2025) | In post-revolutionary Tunisia, the 2019 elections delivered distinct varieties of reactionary and authoritarian populism(s) that capitalised on people’s disillusionment with party politics. This culminated in the electoral victory of President Kais Saied, a sui generis authoritarian populist. On July 25, 2021, President Saied staged a presidential coup, which has since led to a gradual erosion of basic freedoms, including the right to express dissent and grievances. Drawing on interview data and protest area mapping, this research examines how authoritarian regression affects protest movements’ positioning and the redefinition of ‘peoplehood.’ Preliminary findings highlight the distinct organisational and mobilisation strategies employed by Tunisian youth, which diverge sharply from those adopted during the Arab Uprisings. Furthermore, the study identifies new emerging spaces of ‘peoplehood’ that are forming amidst significant challenges in resisting Tunisia’s ongoing authoritarian relapse. | |
Joseph Prestel (Roskilde University) – Cities That Bind: How Urban Histories of Migration Bridged the Arab Middle East and Western Europe in the Twentieth Century | In recent years, the study of migrations in the Middle East has seen a number of innovative and critical contributions that stress the import of a historical approach. This paper seeks to contribute to this literature by specifically adressing how migrations connected Western Europe and the Arab Middle East, during the twentieth century. It will discuss the metholodgical question: How can we study the history of migrations from the Arab Middle East to Western Europe in an integrated, transregional way? The paper presents urban histories of migration as a useful perspective to address this question and arrive at a more integrated, transregional approach. | |
grupperom 7 | Jihadi Movements in the Middle East and Beyond | The study of Jihadist movements has only recently become a mainstream subject in Middle Eastern studies, despite the enormous impact of such movements on politics and society in many parts of the Middle East and North Africa region. This panel seeks to broaden our understanding of jihadist insurgent movements by exploring how such movements rise to become significant players, how they proliferate and spread to new areas, how they “do politics” by entering into alliances and practice “governance” in territorial pockets under their control, and more generally how they adapt to changing political circumstances. |
Chair: Dag Henrik Tuastad | ||
Truls H. Tønnessen (Norwegian Defence Research Est) - Ally or hegemon? Understanding jihad insurgent groups alliances in Syria and Iraq | The conflict in Iraq (from 2003) and in Syria (from 2011) have seen the rise of jihadi insurgent groups like the terrorist group currently known as the Islamic State and Jabhat al-Nusra in Syria. Jabhat al-Nusra has later transformed itself into the non-jihadi but conservative Islamist group Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) who now plays a central role in Syria post-Assad. This paper aims to combine case studies of the evolution of the Islamic State and of its originally Syrian affiliate Jabhat al-Nusra with the more general literature on rebel alliances to understand how, to what extent and under what conditions “jihadi rebel groups” cooperates and enters into alliances with other (non-)jihadi insurgent groups. The Islamic State and Jabhat al-Nusra/HTS have chosen very different paths on cooperation with other groups, and the paper also aims to understand how alliances (or lack of alliances) help explain insurgent groups success (or lack of success). |
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Anne Likuski (Norwegian Defence Research Est) - Salafi-jihadism after the Arab Spring: A case study of Ayman al-Zawahiri’s ideology and revolutionary praxis | This paper discusses how the Salafi-jihadi movement responded to the challenges and opportunities brought by the Arab Spring in 2010-11. I do this by conducting a systematic study of the writings and speeches of the Egyptian al-Qaida leader, Ayman al-Zawahiri, in the period from 2011-2022. The aim is to identify changes in Zawahiri’s theological positions and Salafi-jihadi praxis over time, and to place them in relation to the broader Salafi movement, including its quietist and activist sub-currents. In particular, I study the evolution of Zawahiri’s positions on three contentious topics: The Sunni-Shi‘a divide, the Arab Spring, and takfirism. The paper argues that throughout the 2010s, Zawahiri’s Salafi-jihadi praxis changed away from violent jihad towards other types of activism, suggesting that Salafi-jihadism is a flexible category that can affect political activism in different ways. | |
Vidar Benjamin Skretting (Norwegian Defence Research Est.) - The Sahel and Global Jihad: Explaining the divergent strategies of JNIM and ISSP | In recent years, al-Qaida's Sahelian branch, JNIM, has all but abandoned its commitment to global jihad, while its regional competitor ISSP has gone from local obscurity to transnational threat. What explains these shifts in priorities, and why have the two groups taken opposite paths? This paper revisits the so-called "local-global" debate in Sahelian jihadism, providing a novel historical treatment of the ebbs and flows of the Sahelian jihadists' commitment to global jihad. I show that Sahelian jihadism has been primarily locally oriented, but that engaging in global jihad was considered a strategic necessity. Furthermore, I argue that recent changes in the regional and global political landscape are rendering JNIM's original motivations for engaging in global jihad obsolete, while ISSP is now transnationalising for a different set of reasons. | |
Brynjar Lia (Department of Culture, Religion, Asia and Middle Eastern Studies, University of Oslo.) - Whither Contemporary Jihadism? Al-Qaida and Daesh jihadists in the contemporary Middle East and North Africa | Since the collapse of the Islamic State’s Caliphate in 2017-19, a series of setbacks has raised serious questions about the future of jihadist movements in Middle East and North Africa (MENA). Not only have the jihadists suffered devastating military defeats and the loss of nearly all its territorial proto-states and sanctuaries in the region. Massive leadership losses have seemingly left previously feared jihadist networks in disarray. After having been perceived as a major global security threat for nearly two decades, jihadists no longer enjoy the intense media spotlight of the early 9/11 era. This paper seeks to provide an overview of what we know about the status of jihadist movements in the MENA region, focusing on the remaining al-Qaida branches and Islamic State provinces in the region. By linking empirical observations to specific strength/weakness indicators and by exploring patterns of ebbs and flows in previous jihadist insurgencies, we try to make sense of what we are seeing today and what this means for the future of jihadism. | |
10:30-10:45 | Break | |
10:45-12:15 | Keynote 3: Dana El Kurd, University of Richmond (auditorium 1): Academic Responsibility in the Wake of Mass Violence | |
12:15-13:00 | Lunch break | |
13:00:14:30 | Panels 9 | |
Aud 1 | Contemporary Türkiye | |
Chair: Emel Türker (University of Oslo) | ||
Büke Koyuncu (Mimar Sinan Fine Arts University) - Navigating Turkey's Evolving Moral Landscape: Intersections of Politics, Religion, and Reconciliation | The consolidation of a shared moral framework has often been a critical component of nation-building processes. In the early years of the Turkish Republic, the ambivalent relationship between religion and the proposed national identity shaped the country’s political landscape and turned moral frameworks into arenas for power struggles. Morality has long been a key factor in "othering" within Turkey, characterized by a sharp political divide between secular and pious discourses. This divide is particularly evident in academic debates on ethics, where opposing sides frequently accuse one another of immorality, embedding moral arguments within political agendas. However, recent years have seen a softening of these tensions, particularly reflected in popular media. This research examines Turkey’s evolving moral landscape, focusing on its intersections with politics, the state, religion, community, and reconciliation. The study employs discourse analysis of academic papers on morality published in Turkey between 2016 and 2024. | |
Ayca Alemdaroglu (Stanford University) - Turkey in the Shadow of the Cold War: Intermediary actors and political transformations | This paper examines the understudied role of intermediary actors in shaping Turkey’s Cold War trajectory. As a NATO ally, Turkey became a central player in U.S. efforts to contain Soviet influence. However, beyond formal diplomacy, a network of policymakers, advisors, and intellectuals played a critical role in steering Turkey’s domestic and international politics in ways that aligned with broader Cold War strategies. The analysis focuses on three key periods: the campaign to lift the U.S. arms embargo during the Carter administration, the ideological and material support extended to the military regime following the 1980 coup, and the cultivation of intellectual platforms that reinforced anti-communist and pro-Western narratives. Using archival sources—policy memos, correspondence, and declassified materials—this paper situates these efforts within a larger geopolitical framework, exploring how Cold War logics shaped Turkey’s political institutions and constrained democratic possibilities. | |
Ekavi Athanassopoulou (University of Athens) - Turkey's Changing Roles in the Middle East | This paper is concerned with how Turkish foreign policy makers’ conceptualize Turkey’s roles in the Middle East sub-system. In recent years the term ‘Yeni Türkiye’ (New Turkey) has been frequently invoked by president Erdoğan and senior officials of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP). This term signifies not only a redefined domestic order but also re-imagined roles for Turkey as a leader, potential mediator and regional security provider in the Middle East. The paper has two primary objectives. Firstly, it seeks to illustrate how Turkish regional role conceptions as a leader and regional security provider are shaped by both continuity and change. Secondly, it aims to identify key domestic and regional variables that either facilitate or hinder the attainment of these roles, including the role of mediator. The analysis concludes that while Turkey has significant potential to emerge as a regional security provider, achieving the roles of leader and mediator may prove more challenging. | |
Aud 2 | Roundtable: Israeli–U.S. Attacks on Iran: How Did We Get Here? | |
Mojtaba Mahdavi (University of Alberta, Canada) | ||
Kristin Soraya Batmanghelichi (University of Oslo) | ||
Shima Tadrisi (Kiel University, Germany) | ||
Eirik Kvindesland (University of Oxford) | ||
underv-rom 1 | ||
underv-rom 2 | ||
underv-rom 3 | Critical cultural production | |
Chair:Teresa Pepe (University of Oslo) | ||
Suja Sawafta (University of Miami) - The Day After: Narrating Dystopia in Emile Habibi’s The Secret Life of Saeed and Ahmed Saadawi’s Frankenstein in Baghdad | This paper considers two Arabic science fiction novels, Emile Habibi’s The Secret Life of Saeed and Ahmed Saadawi’s Frankenstein in Baghdad and the cataclysmic impact of war and occupation. It examines parallels between Saeed and Hadi as they reckon with the establishment of Israel and the American invasion of Iraq, respectively. Saeed and Hadi are natives turned alien, no longer capable of recognizing the landscapes of their homelands, whether it is through the imposition of Zionism and Hebrew in one case, or the shredding of bodies; limbs scattered across the streets of Baghdad. Through Saeed’s earnest narration of violence to aliens from outer space to Hadi’s sewing together of a corpse made of victims’ body parts, which then comes alive, both characters narrate the psychosis that comes with a new reality ask: how do we archive the body under the ruins? | |
Elisa Andrea Viteri Márquez (Stockholm University) – Much More Than Humans in Arabic Speculative Fiction: New Scenarios of Becoming | Arabic novels with fantastic elements have been on the rise, both in the number of publications and the critics’ attention. In these novels, possible futures or desired presents are built in a bioregional manner where humans and non-humans interact as indivisible parts of their lived reality. This paper analyses two contemporary speculative novels from Egypt and Morrocco that hint on two very different scenarios, showcasing how culture production in the Middle East engages with the new realities of climate change and environmental degradation at a local, regional and global level. By considering non-human agency, these novels break with the classic Western scientific paradigm of the ‘conquering of nature’, and open for the possibility for de-colonized and localized understandings and responses to the environmental crises. In light of the recent developments, this posthumanist framework helps us think critically and creatively about the region in its current process of becoming. | |
Susanne Kranz (Zayed University) – Voices on the Wall: Street Art and UrbanSpace in Amman, Jordan | Street art and in particular graffiti, has emerged as an artistic expression in various cityscapes around the world, including the Middle East, providing a mesmerizing window into contemporary Arab culture. Amman, the vibrant capital of Jordan, has emerged as a center for street art in the Middle East, making it the ideal urban space to explore street art and its societal impact. Street art is used in a variety of contexts ranging from social, political, environmental, and simply creative forms of expression within different settings of the urban landscape. This paper considers the relationship between art and the city and the artists and their city. It reflects on urban space and its impact on artistic and social expression as well as social change. It explores the evolution of street art in Amman, from the initial steps street artists took as well as the different neighborhoods that are utilized. | |
Justin Malachowski – On the Limits of Decolonization in the Arts: Tunisia Goes to Documenta 15 | A rapid growth of Contemporary Art Practices following the 2011 Tunisian Revolution has been met with accolade and excitement locally and internationally. Expanded rights or artistic expression and a steady flow of foreign funding into Tunisia has helped launch countless new artistic projects and provided resources for Tunisia Artists, art projects, and collectives, to participate in art festivals, particularly in Europe. In Europe, these developments have been celebrated in line with decolonial discourse. Yet ideological misalignments, including the question of Palestine, point to “limits” to the role arts from the global south in current debates on decolonization In Europe. Using the example participation of Tunisian Collectives in the contemporary art festival Documenta 15, this paper explores the limits to what arts can be asked to do, and what happens when such limits are crossed. | |
grupperom 1 | Contemporary Issues in Islamic Thought | |
Chair: Minoo Mirshahvalad (University of Copenhagen) | ||
Mendim Akiti (Florida State University) - The Favored Sect: Bektashism and the Production of Religious Hierarchy in Albanian Islam | This paper examines the evolving intra-faith dynamics among Albanian Muslims in North Macedonia, focusing on the controversy surrounding Bektashism. As a significant Sufi tradition in the Balkans, Bektashism has become a source of division, particularly with the growing influence of conservative Sunni movements. These tensions center on debates over religious authenticity, cultural heritage, and the role of traditional practices in modern Islamic identity. The controversy is further amplified by Albania’s efforts to position itself as a "Bektashi state," which has polarized opinions within the region. While some view this as a recognition of Albania's historical ties to Bektashism, others see it as favoritism toward its more secular outlook, in contrast to Sunni conservatism. These developments have significantly influenced attitudes among Albanian Muslims in North Macedonia. The paper explores how these debates reflect broader historical, political, and cultural shifts shaping Islamic identity across the Balkans. |
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Giulia Gozzini (Lund University) - The Thawra and the Sheikhs: Salafi Perspectives on the 2019 Lebanese Uprisings | This paper investigates how Salafis in the northern Lebanese city of Tripoli responded to the Lebanese October Uprising of 2019. Although largely absent from direct participation in the protests, Salafi leaders played a significant role in shaping the discourse surrounding the movement. Through an analysis of sermons delivered by Salafi sheikhs Bilal Baroudi and Salem al-Rafi’i, this study examines how, despite their physical disengagement and professed apoliticism, these figures articulated distinct political positions. Their divergent responses to the Uprising are, however, emblematic of a broader narrative that underscores their political activism. Within an inherently populist religiosity, a Sunni nationalist discourse emerges that, through a nuanced combination of populism and sectarianism, foregrounds themes of Sunni victimization and oppression while actively advocating for Sunni rights. The two sheikhs embody distinct forms of populism - emancipatory and confrontational - reflecting differing positionalities and approaches to contentious activism. These dynamics illuminate the complex, polymorphic nature of the Salafi field in Tripoli and its progressive politicisation. In doing so, this paper explores how Salafis shape and challenge the broader structure of the Sunni field in Lebanon. | |
Scott Bursey (Florida State University) - On the Modalities of Ignorance: Muḥammad and Sayyid Quṭb on Contrasting Conceptions of jāhilīya | For Sayyid Quṭb (1909-1966), jāhilīya was much more than an episodic period of the Islamic past. Rather, jāhilīya extended well beyond an ignorance of religion, and into the realm of western modernity, specifically: accepting the material comforts of the west, preferencing subjective rationality to God’s sovereignty, and living in an era far removed from true religion. There exists a degree of academic consensus as to the nature of jāhilīya within Quṭbian thought. By putting Sayyid in conversation with his younger brother and intellectual successor Muḥammad Quṭb (1919-2014), my paper will problematize this premise. In contrast, Muḥammad’s conception of jāhilīya is nuanced within the diction of subjective dispositions, psychological states - an essence or moods of jāhilīya, and I therefore argue that the Quṭbian conception of jāhilīya is akin to a coin, with two sides. | |
Maryam Ayad (University of Helsinki) – The Qur'an, Critical Discourse Analysis, and the Others: Jews and Christians in Islamic Thought |
The Qur’ān, the main source of Muslims’ religious beliefs, shows a vague approach mixed of mercy and violence towards Jews and Christians. The aim of this paper is to investigate the dominant cognitive infrastructure behind the Quranic discourses of violence and mercy towards Jews and Christians. The paper focuses on 54 verses with definite references to Jews and/or Christians in Surat Al-Baqara. Adopting Teon Van Dijk’s method of critical discourse analysis, I examine e g these verses based on 13 linguistic microstructures. The preliminary results show s that there are diverse discourses on Jews and Christians competing to gain the dominant power in the Surah. Furthermore, the violent approach increases from the realm of explicit meanings of the text to that of figurative, implicit, and metaphorical meanings. | |
grupperom 7 | ROUNDTABLE: Political Engagements at Nordic Universities Since the 7th October Attack: Challenges and Prospects | Universities are fundamental in democracies, promoting academic freedom and freedom of expression. Since the Hamas attack against Israeli civilians and military personnel and the following Israeli genocidal war on Gaza, the suppression of student protests and the experienced silencing of staff at universities across the world, including in Nordic countries, have challenged these ideals and practices. In the name of academic freedom, but also under the pretext of security concerns, university regulations and neutrality in matters of foreign policy, university leaders have quailed most protests and created a culture of fear and silence among both students and staff. This roundtable will be an occasion to share and discuss recent experiences of teaching and researching about, as well as advocating for Palestine. What are the differences between institutions in different Nordic countries? How can these experiences inform future activism? We also plan to develop ideas of how academic spaces for inclusive intellectual debates, the continuous dissemination of in-depth knowledge about the Middle East and political activism can flourish regardless of restrictive university policies. |
Chair: Oliver Scharbroudt Convener: Nina Gren |
Universities are fundamental in democracies, promoting academic freedom and freedom of expression. Since the Hamas attack against Israeli civilians and military personnel and the following Israeli genocidal war on Gaza, the suppression of student protests and the experienced silencing of staff at universities across the world, including in Nordic countries, have challenged these ideals and practices. In the name of academic freedom, but also under the pretext of security concerns, university regulations and neutrality in matters of foreign policy, university leaders have quailed most protests and created a culture of fear and silence among both students and staff. This roundtable will be an occasion to share and discuss recent experiences of teaching and researching about, as well as advocating for Palestine. What are the differences between institutions in different Nordic countries? How can these experiences inform future activism? We also plan to develop ideas of how academic spaces for inclusive intellectual debates, the continuous dissemination of in-depth knowledge about the Middle East and political activism can flourish regardless of restrictive university policies. |
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Tiina Hyyppä (University of Helsinki) | ||
Helena Lindholm (University of Gothenburg) | ||
Pelle Valentin Olsen (University of Bergen) | ||
Laura Horn (Roskilde University) | ||
14:30-14:45 | Break | |
14:45-16:15 | Panels 10 | |
Aud 1 | Religious Contention in History | |
Chair: Albrecht Hofheinz (University of Oslo) | ||
Nargiz Mammadli (Stockholm University) - Heresy and Political Authority: A Historical Perspective on the Execution of Religious Dissidents in Islam | This paper explores the intricate relationship between heresy and political authority in Islamic history, focusing on the execution of religious dissidents as a mechanism of state power and religious orthodoxy. The study highlights how theological disputes intersected with political motivations, leading to the persecution of those deemed heretical. Through a historical lens, the paper analyzes the socio-political contexts that shaped definitions of heresy, emphasizing the collaboration between political authorities and religious leaders in enforcing orthodoxy. By tracing the legacy of heresy executions, this study aims to shed light on the ongoing tension between state power and religious belief in the region, contributing to a deeper understanding of the role of heresy in shaping Islamic political discourse. | |
Hüseyin Göcen (University of California) - One Event, Multiple Times, Many Connections: A Revisitation of the Puritan Preachers’ Incident in Bursa and Its Repercussions in the Ottoman Empire | In 1702, the followers of a group of puritan preachers in seventeenth-century Ottoman Empire, Qadi-zadelis, caused a bloody incident at the central mosque in Bursa, western Anatolia. In the Qadr Night during Ramadan, madrasa students attacked the imam when he attempted to start the Qadr Night prayer, which was deemed a reprehensible innovation (bidah) by the Qadi-zadelis. Sources show that this fight stemmed from the sermon delivered earlier by a preacher Sheikh Ali, who asserted that practicing “Qadr Night prayer with congregation is a great sin and all who do this become sinners and their worships for forty days are not accepted.” This Sheikh Ali, clearly representing the Qadi-zadeli-oriented stance, could be one of the sheikhs whom we see as agents of the religious indoctrination campaign launched in 1702. I argue that this case contradicts the assumption that these puritan preachers demised after 1683 and shows that Bursa stands as a hub and paradise of similar minded people in the years after their “fall.” Considering these points, I provide a new reading of this incident in its immediate context. | |
Aud 2 | ||
underv-rom 1 | Saudi Arabia’s Multifaceted Transformations – Domestic and Regional Dimensions | While it is generally agreed that the Gulf states are transforming in multiple ways these years, the question about the degree and nature of these changes, as well as their causes and consequences, is still much contested. By zooming in on the multifaceted transformations in Saudi Arabia and their broader regional implications, this panel will offer new insights into this problematique. Tine Gade examines the situation of women in Saudi Arabia and analyses what the codification of family law means to ordinary people. Fannie Agerschou-Madsen analyses the Saudi state's strategic use of cultural heritage to reshape national identity and distance itself from conservative Wahhabism, using The Diriyah Museum as a case study. Maria-Louise Clausen investigates the impact of peace negotiations on Yemeni society, focusing on how external actors like Saudi Arabia influence post-conflict realities. Morten Valbjørn offers an analytical framework to understand the polarised debate on Saudi reforms, presenting three rounds of narratives that explore the extent, reasons, and effects of these changes domestically and regionally. Together, these papers provide a comprehensive overview of the ongoing transformations in Saudi Arabia and their complex implications within and outside the kingdom. |
Chair: Sune Haugbølle | ||
Tine Gade (NUPI) - Gender, law and society in New Saudi Arabia | Women’s situation in Saudi Arabia has improved tremendously since the launch in 2016 of the National Transformation Plan Vision 2030, which aims to create a new Saudi Arabia. Recent legal changes that empower women include an anti-harassment law, the right to travel without the authorization of a guardian, programs to assist women’s entry into the workforce, easier access to divorce for women, among many others. Moreover, a codified personal status law entered into force in 2022, clarifying legal provisions. Saudi Arabia since 2016 is a case of top-down modernization, where legal changes have resulted in vast societal change. Women are entering massively into the workforce, to the extent that some men feel that they have been left at a disadvantage. Family roles are also changing, though more for certain socio-demographic strata than for others. Based on expert interviews with lawyers; in-depth interviews with men and women, and a survey conducted in Saudi universities, this paper analyses what the codification of the family law means to ordinary people. How many have heard about the new family law? What are the substantive and procedural changes to the law itself? And what does the new family law mean for women’s access to divorce, in theory and in practice? | |
Fannie Agerschou-Madsen (Roskilde University/ Danish Institute for International Studies, DIIS) - Rewriting history through investments in the cultural heritage: the Saudi state’s new religious identity | This paper examines how the Saudi state strategically invests in cultural heritage to reframe national identity and reshape collective historical memory, distancing itself from the legacy of conservative Wahhabism to gain political legitimacy. An example of this is The Diriyah Museum, located in the historic ruins of At-Turaif near Riyadh, a symbolic site tied to the origins of the first Saudi state. Notably, the museum omits explicit references to Wahhabism, instead emphasizing themes of cultural resilience, traditional cultural heritage and historical unity. This deliberate absence illustrates the state’s efforts to downplay the era of conservative foundation of its earlier governance while fostering an inclusive and globally appealing image. Additionally, the paper argues that promoting cultural heritage and traditional values enables the state to appeal to more conservative social groups that may potentially resist the liberalization of social norms and public spaces under the Vision 2030 reform agenda. This research is pursued by analyzing state discourse and heritage policies, interviews conducted during fieldwork and museum exhibits. | |
Maria-Louise Clausen (Danish Institute for International Studies, DIIS) - Peace negotiations as reshaping Yemen’s society | This paper examines the societal impact of peace negotiations and peacebuilding interventions, using Yemen as a case study. Peace negotiations are explored as arenas where narratives about the causes of conflict and visions for the post-conflict order are contested. Competing actors strive to establish hegemony over post-war realities, shaping political and social structures. External actors, such as Saudi Arabia, play a significant role in influencing these negotiations, leveraging their power to promote narratives and outcomes favorable to their interests. Third-party mediators, such as the UN, are also deeply entangled, as their ability to validate and disseminate narratives about conflict resolution becomes a critical resource for both internal and external elites. These processes fundamentally reshape the local political and social landscape, embedding the influence of external actors and their local partners into the post-conflict order. The paper argues that this reshaping results in forms of “bounded peace”—partial, constrained, and shaped by contested frameworks that reflect external interests and perceptions of the conflict. |
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Morten Valbjørn (Aarhus University) - Saudi Scenarios – 3*3 narratives on the Saudi reform process | Recent discourse on reforms in Saudi Arabia has sparked a polarized debate about whether these changes are substantial or superficial and what their causes and consequences might be. Rather than claiming to possess exclusive insights about the “true” state of the Saudi reform process, this paper aims to offer an analytical framework for analyzing and structuring the debate on Saudi reforms. To do so, the paper examines in three rounds how three kinds of analytical lenses from the social sciences give rise to very different “narratives” about the Saudi reform process. The first round investigates the extent of changes in Saudi Arabia through the lens of the three narratives: "All that is solid melts into air," "Plus ça change, plus c'est la même chose," and "Continuities in changes and changes in continuities." The second round explores the causes and consequences of these changes, presenting three narratives: "The modernizing monarch of South Korea in the Gulf," "Upgrading authoritarianism with a Janus face," and "The (centralizing) King's dilemma." The final round assesses the impact of Saudi reforms on neighboring countries, with a focus on Kuwait, through three narratives: "the Kuwaiti late-comer," "What happens in Saudi stays in Saudi," and "Reverse spill-over effects." | |
underv-rom 2 | Perspectives on Current Political Turmoil | |
Chair: Brynjar Lia (University of Oslo) | ||
Marianne Laanatza (Lund University) - The rise and fall of the Iranian New World Order in the Middle East | The paper focuses on and analyses how the Ayatollahs in Iran developed a new Shia-Islamic strategy to renew the Shah’s influence in the Middle East. From 1979 to 1991 this process took place in close collaboration with Israel, and then in a growing and aggressive hostility with Israel. The Ayatollas’ strategies were not only to establish proxies in Lebanon, Gaza, Yemen, Iraq and Syria and influence Oman, but to influence and reformate their identifications to control them. From their Arab Lebanese, Arab Palestinian, Arab-Yemeni, Arab-Iraqi or Arab-Syrian identities, they were convinced to take a strong religious identification, based on Iranian-Shia “enlightening spirit” and control. A successful strategy, that collapsed disastrous since Hamas’ attack on October 7, 2023. The theoretical approach is based on theories on identification processes. | |
Mona Saleh (University of Duisburg-Essen) and James Worrall (University of Leeds) - Rebuilding Bridges: Trust, Diplomacy and Cooperation Between the European Union and Arab League in the Aftermath of the Gaza Crisis | The effects of the war in Gaza appear to be far-reaching, as both symbol and symptom of global change, especially in North-South relations. But these effects are likely to be patchy, unexpected and come with significant lag. This paper examines the effects of the Gaza crisis upon the relationship between the European Union (EU) and the Arab League (LAS). On paper these two organisations share a clear set of converging interests, and yet co-operation between them has been beset by difficulties, even before the current crisis in Gaza and the EU's response - which recently led to the extraordinary situation of the EU Commission President Ursula von der Layen being the subject of a communication to the International Criminal Court for complicity in Crimes Against Humanity. By taking stock of the past failures in the EU-LAS relationship we explore the dynamics of trust and mistrust between the two sides, using this to theorise the ways in which Global North International Organisations relations with Global South IOs can be improved by re-imagining how engagement, programming and diplomacy can rebuild bridges through examining the changes needed in a relationship which has been so badly damaged by the Gaza crisis. | |
Kota Suechika (Ritsumeikan University) - Reconsidering Citizens’ Support for the Axis of Resistance: Evidence from Experimental Surveys in Palestine, Lebanon, Iraq, and Yemen | This study examines the extent of citizen support for armed non-state actors, collectively referred to as the ‘Axis of Resistance’, within Middle Eastern countries where they operate — Palestine, Lebanon, Iraq, and Yemen. It further investigates the characteristics that enhance the likelihood of citizen support for these actors. Specifically, the analysis centres on the results of an independent and original experimental survey, employing a list experiment methodology, which assesses citizen support for Hamas, Hezbollah, the Iraqi Islamic Resistance, and the Houthis that have been in conflict with Israel since October 2023. Understanding the dynamics of support for these armed non-state actors yields significant insights into the underlying causes and future implications of the escalating conflict throughout the Middle East. | |
underv-rom 3 | Literature and Society, Past and Present | |
Chair: Jonathan Jonsson (University of Oslo) | ||
Lovisa Berg (Dalarna University) – al-Raqqa through shifting world orders – fictional testimonies from contemporary Syrian literature | The Syrian city of al-Raqqa has experienced numerous political changes since 2011, with profound implications for its inhabitants. The people of al-Raqqa have lived under the rule of the Ba‘th party, the opposition, Daesh, and the Syrian Democratic Forces at different times. Between these periods, the city has often been a battleground for various factions. These changes, challenges, and frequently life-threatening situations have been fictionalized in novels attempting to grapple with the ongoing conflict(s). In this paper, I will employ a framework of literary trauma theory and fiction as testimonies to analyze three contemporary Syrian novels that recount the story of al-Raqqa since 2011 in diverse ways. I argue that, despite being literary works, the narratives presented offer a deeper understanding of the city, its inhabitants, and the hardships imposed on them. Furthermore, the novels serve as testimonies, preserving the memory of the city’s fate. | |
Amin Ghodratzadeh (Utrecht University) - Aṭṭār’s Ilāhī-nāma (“Book of Divine”) and the Wise-Fool | In the Ilāhī-nāma (“Book of Divine”) by Farīd al-Dīn ʿAṭṭār (ca. 1145- ca. 1221), the character of the “wise-fool” plays an important role, presenting fascinating paradoxes tchallenging traditional notions of wisdom, folly, and piety. Exploring the significance of these characters in ʿAṭṭār’s Ilāhī-nāma provides us with insight about their function. One of the central themes in the stories is the value of humility, ascetism (zuhd), and piety in seeking wisdom. The wise-fools exemplify this virtue by abandoning pride and embracing simplicity. They become transmitters of heavenly knowledge by rejecting social norms and material attachments, allowing them to discern realities beyond the comprehension of ordinary people. Therefore, they challenge conventional wisdom and societal norms. Through their unconventional behaviour and wisdom, they confront other characters to question the limitations of conventional knowledge and the true essence of wisdom, opening readers’ minds to unusual viewpoints breaking down the walls of dogma. | |
Alice Königstetter (University of Vienna) - Reclaiming the Narrative: Postcolonial Re-Writing of Kuwaiti History in Munā al-Šammarī’s Lā Mūsīqā fī l-Aḥmadī (2016) | This paper examines the novel Lā Mūsīqā fī l-Aḥmadī by author Munā al-Šammarī, focusing on its re-writing of Kuwaiti history through a counter-hegemonic lens. Al-Šammarī critiques the enduring legacy of Western-dominated narratives about the Arab Peninsula, portraying the complex and evolving dynamics between Kuwaitis and their British "protectors." Drawing on Abdel Wahab’s (2014) counter-Orientalism, the analysis explores how al-Šammarī addresses the concept of Oriental silence, a notion used by Western knowledge producers to justify their authority over the Arab world. Al-Šammarī deconstructs imperialist tropes and breaks this imposed silence by giving voice to Kuwaiti characters, which critique the historical “othering” of the local population. By reclaiming the narrative, the novel serves as an important intervention, offering a Kuwaiti angle that challenges the dominance of Western accounts in historical and cultural representations of the region. | |
grupperom 1 | Islam Outside the MENA Region | |
Chair: Minoo Mirshahvalad (University of Copenhagen) | ||
Mendim Akiti (Florida State University) – Bektashism, Intra-Faith Islam, Islamic Identity, Secular vs. Religious Controversy Balkan | This paper examines the evolving intra-faith dynamics among Albanian Muslims in North Macedonia, focusing on the controversy surrounding Bektashism. As a significant Sufi tradition in the Balkans, Bektashism has become a source of division, particularly with the growing influence of conservative Sunni movements. These tensions center on debates over religious authenticity, cultural heritage, and the role of traditional practices in modern Islamic identity. The controversy is further amplified by Albania’s efforts to position itself as a "Bektashi state," which has polarized opinions within the region. While some view this as a recognition of Albania's historical ties to Bektashism, others see it as favoritism toward its more secular outlook, in contrast to Sunni conservatism. These developments have significantly influenced attitudes among Albanian Muslims in North Macedonia. The paper explores how these debates reflect broader historical, political, and cultural shifts shaping Islamic identity across the Balkans. |
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Nora S. Eggen (University of Oslo) – Diplomatic Knowledge Production on Islam in 19th Century Sweden | In 1843, Johan Fredrik Sebastian Crusenstolpe (1801–1882) published the first complete translation of the Qurʾān into a Scandinavian language. Crusenstolpe was a former officer, then diplomat, who had learned Arabic during his decades long diplomatic emissions in various North African countries. Motivated by his own experience living and working among Muslims, he translated Qurʾān to convey knowledge to the Swedish audience. Not a scholar, he situated himself within a European academic discourse, and although his work was contested by Swedish academics in the nineteenth century, it was to become an important touch stone for later translators of the Qurʾān. In this paper I discuss the conceptualization of the Qurʾān as knowledge about Islam in Crusenstolpe’s translated text, introduction, and marginalia, in addition to correspondence and archival material. I further discuss his work in the context of the role of diplomats in knowledge production on Islam. | |
Reem Fatthelbab (University of Cambridge) - Sufism, Ecology, and Becoming Muslim: Trajectories of Muslim Converts in Spain | This paper explores the intersection of Sufism, ecology, and identity through the lived experiences of Muslim converts in southern Spain. Drawing from ethnographic fieldwork, it examines how spiritual ecology—defined as a symbiotic relationship between spirituality and nature—shapes the lives of these individuals. In a post-Franco context, many converts have turned to Sufism as a way to reconnect with Spain's Muslim past, integrating environmental stewardship into their spiritual practice. This research situates these narratives within broader discourses on Islamic environmentalism and the re-emergence of Andalusian Muslim heritage. By linking religion, ecology, and identity, this paper sheds light on how contemporary Muslim converts navigate cultural, spiritual, and ecological challenges in a rapidly changing world. | |
grupperom 7 | Political Dynamics in Iran | |
Chair: TBC | ||
Sepideh Atter Motlagh (Södertörn University) - Young, Devout Shi‘a Muslim Women in Iran’s Complex and Shifting Sociopolitical Landscape | This paper ethnographically explores the complex relationship between youth, Islam, and community from the perspective of young, devout Shi‘a Muslim women in Iran. Amidst inter-generational tensions and the ongoing sociopolitical transformations within Iranian society, these women represent a specific, and arguably unique, segment of Iranian youth who navigate their faith and being young both in relation to their peers, the (Iranian) society, and the broader Islamic state discourse. This study examines how these young women at their university in Tehran perceive and practice their faith in relation to different communities, and community dynamics, they define and affiliate themselves with. From a cross-participant perspective, the paper highlights how the interlocutors’ religious engagement and activities both interact and intertwin with the broader albeit continously changing, sociopolitical situation of the Iranian society. The paper aims to offer perspectives that resonate beyond the Iranian context, with implications for broader studies on young Muslims, and young and religious communities. |
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Olivia Glombitza (Autonomous University of Barcelona) – At the Nexus of Iranian Pop Culture & Foreign Policy: Television Series as a Means to Educate & Mobilize Public Opinion | Based on the inherent connection between the domestic and the international, the paper interrogates the nexus between foreign policy and pop culture. Taking the Iranian television series ‘Gando’ as a case, the paper argues that television series as expressions of popular culture are a means of symbolic politics to educate and mobilize the public. The Islamic Republic faces an ever-growing divide between its government and its population, constituting one of the Islamic Republic’s fundamental anxieties. Educating and mobilizing Iranians along the lines of the Islamic Republic’s ideology becomes consequently more important. Approached from a constructivist perspective, the paper draws on theories and concepts of International Relations, particularly foreign policy analysis, as well as communication studies. The paper analyses the series’ textual and visual discourse and examines how foreign policy issues are framed and portrayed along the lines of a ‘good-bad’ dichotomy in unison with the Islamic Republic’s official revolutionary ideology. |
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Mohsen Jafari (Independent researcher) - The Islamic Republic of Iran: A Non-Ideological Regime with a Religious Mask |
This article argues that the Islamic Republic of Iran has evolved from an ideological theocracy into a power-centric authoritarian regime. Supreme authority lies with the Supreme Leader and affiliated institutions, while elected bodies are systematically sidelined. Institutions originally meant to safeguard religious values now serve as tools of political, military, judicial, and cultural domination. The regime’s core objective has shifted entirely toward preserving its hold on power. Its future path remains unclear whether it will persist with repression or be forced to allow limited reforms. However, regardless of direction, a widening gap between state and society is fueling a deeply rooted revolutionary movement, increasingly embedded within the fabric of Iranian life. Surface level reforms or rhetorical gestures no longer appease a frustrated population. Internal fractures, particularly within the security apparatus, reveal a system under immense strain. Having lost its ideological, political, and social legitimacy, the Islamic Republic now stands at the edge of potential collapse, confronted by mounting internal and external pressures. | |
16:15-16:30 | Break | |
16:30-17:30 | NSMES General Assembly | |
17:30 | Conference ends | |